Monorepo for Aesthetic.Computer aesthetic.computer
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.gitignore
··· 60 60 # assets (ignore all - synced via CDN) 61 61 system/public/assets/* 62 62 !system/public/assets/.gitkeep 63 + !system/public/assets/papers/ 64 + system/public/assets/papers/* 65 + !system/public/assets/papers/readings/ 66 + system/public/assets/papers/readings/* 67 + !system/public/assets/papers/readings/text/ 68 + system/public/assets/papers/readings/text/* 69 + !system/public/assets/papers/readings/text/Gallope-Harren-Hicks-The-Scores-Project-2025.txt 63 70 64 71 # AestheticAnts runtime (logs, runs, test output - not part of the score) 65 72 ants/*.log
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reports/2026-04-02-getty-scores-project.md
··· 1 + # Getty's *The Scores Project* for AC's Research Platter 2 + 3 + *Digest written through `papers/SCORE.md`* 4 + *2026-04-02* 5 + 6 + ## Sources 7 + 8 + - Project site: https://www.getty.edu/publications/scores/ 9 + - Publication repository: https://github.com/thegetty/scores 10 + - Open-access PDF: https://www.getty.edu/publications/scores/_assets/downloads/the-scores-project.pdf 11 + 12 + ## What This Is 13 + 14 + *The Scores Project: Essays on Experimental Notation in Music, Art, Poetry, and Dance, 1950-1975* is a Getty Research Institute digital publication edited by Michael Gallope, Natilee Harren, and John Hicks, first published May 6, 2025. 15 + 16 + Its subject is the postwar score as an intermedia technology: a page, object, or instruction set that can move between music, dance, poetry, and visual art. The book centers works by George Brecht, Sylvano Bussotti, John Cage, Morton Feldman, Allan Kaprow, Alison Knowles, Jackson Mac Low, Benjamin Patterson, Yvonne Rainer, Mieko Shiomi, David Tudor, and La Monte Young, and it includes a complete edition of *An Anthology of Chance Operations*. 17 + 18 + The online edition is the real machine: more than 2,000 archival objects, zoomable images, audio/video, and scholarly commentaries bound together in Quire. The print/PDF book carries the introduction and commentaries, but the website is where the scores behave as an archive you can traverse. 19 + 20 + ## Why It Belongs on Our Platter 21 + 22 + This is directly useful to AC because it treats a score as a living interface instead of a dead document. That is the same wager behind `SCORE.md`, Whistlegraph, KidLisp cards, and the `/papers` platter itself. 23 + 24 + The project also gives us a concrete publishing model: a research archive first, then a book carved from that archive, then a repository that preserves the book as editable source. 25 + 26 + ## Score Mechanics Worth Stealing 27 + 28 + ### 1. Score as Executable Social Form 29 + 30 + The Getty project frames experimental notation as a thing that can trigger performance, interpretation, and cross-disciplinary collaboration. That maps cleanly onto AC's piece model: a Whistlegraph score, a KidLisp card, or a tiny `.mjs` file is not only representation but a prompt for action. 31 + 32 + ### 2. Platter Before Paper 33 + 34 + The publication behaves like our own platter pipeline: 35 + 36 + ``` 37 + archival objects + score facsimiles + media + commentary 38 + -> thematic score pages 39 + -> print/PDF book chapters 40 + -> a source repo with revision history 41 + ``` 42 + 43 + That is the same pressure system described in `papers/SCORE.md`: gather raw material first, let a thread emerge, then compress it into a paper or card. 44 + 45 + ### 3. Object Pages as Research Cards 46 + 47 + Each score entry pairs a primary object with context and commentary. That is close to AC's card format, where one sheet should carry enough source, argument, and invitation to travel. If we expand `/papers` beyond PDFs, this project is a strong precedent for "cards as scholarly object pages." 48 + 49 + ### 4. Repository as Publication Memory 50 + 51 + Getty keeps the publication source in GitHub, with `main` representing the published edition and a `revisions` branch for prospective changes. That makes the book behave more like software without pretending every typo fix should ship instantly. AC papers could use the same idea when one paper needs a stable public edition but ongoing source-level correction. 52 + 53 + ### 5. Rights Boundaries Made Explicit 54 + 55 + The Getty repo README and PDF both state a sharp split: text is CC BY-NC 4.0, but many images are excluded and live in a private `scores-images` submodule. That boundary matters for our platter. We can mirror/link the book text and code, but we should treat image assets as referenced context, not something to ingest wholesale unless rights are clear. 56 + 57 + ## Concrete AC Uses 58 + 59 + - **Whistlegraph '26**: cite this project as a serious art-historical frame for score-as-performance and score-as-viral form. 60 + - **Reading the Score**: compare Getty's archival score scholarship with AC's own `SCORE.md` as an operational score for agents. 61 + - **Radical Computer Art**: use Fluxus/intermedia score histories here as one lineage for Goodiepalian instruction aesthetics. 62 + - **Cards pipeline**: borrow the "object + commentary" pairing when designing richer research cards or platter pages. 63 + - **Repo workflow**: consider a stable publication branch plus a corrections branch for `/papers` source once revisions become frequent. 64 + 65 + ## What Was Added to the Platter 66 + 67 + - Local text extract: `system/public/assets/papers/readings/text/Gallope-Harren-Hicks-The-Scores-Project-2025.txt` 68 + - Repo link: https://github.com/thegetty/scores 69 + 70 + The text extract was generated from Getty's open-access PDF with `pdftotext -layout`. It keeps the book's textual layer available for search and reading while preserving the license warning that images are not covered by the CC BY-NC grant.
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sosoft/24m.tex
··· 1 + % Generated KidLisp score card for $24m 2 + \documentclass[12pt]{article} 3 + \usepackage[ 4 + paperwidth=2.75in, 5 + paperheight=4.75in, 6 + top=0.3in, 7 + bottom=0.3in, 8 + left=0.3in, 9 + right=0.3in, 10 + ]{geometry} 11 + \usepackage{fontspec} 12 + \usepackage{xcolor} 13 + \usepackage{tikz} 14 + \usepackage{graphicx} 15 + 16 + \pagestyle{empty} 17 + 18 + \newfontfamily\cardcodefont[ 19 + Path=fonts/, 20 + Extension=.ttf, 21 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Regular, 22 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 23 + ]{ComicRelief-Regular} 24 + \newfontfamily\cardlabelfont[ 25 + Path=fonts/, 26 + Extension=.ttf, 27 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 28 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 29 + FakeBold=1.8, 30 + ]{ComicRelief-Bold} 31 + 32 + \definecolor{ink}{RGB}{0,0,0} 33 + \newcommand{\safetyinset}{0.22in} 34 + \newcommand{\safewidth}{2.31in} 35 + 36 + \begin{document} 37 + 38 + \vspace*{-0.26in} 39 + 40 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}% 41 + \begin{tikzpicture} 42 + \clip (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 43 + \node[anchor=south west, inner sep=0pt] at (0,0) 44 + {\includegraphics[width=\safewidth, height=\safewidth]{24m-screenshot.png}}; 45 + \draw[black, line width=2.4pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 46 + \end{tikzpicture}\par 47 + 48 + \vspace{0.03in} 49 + 50 + \begingroup\offinterlineskip 51 + \cardcodefont\bfseries\fontsize{9.5pt}{10.5pt}\selectfont\color{ink} 52 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{}} 53 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}black\\ 54 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}ink zebra\\ 55 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}point w/2 h/2\\ 56 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}scroll (? -1 0 1) (? -1 0 1)\\ 57 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}(1s (zoom 1.5)), spin 2\\ 58 + \end{tabular} 59 + \endgroup 60 + 61 + \vspace*{\fill} 62 + 63 + \begin{tikzpicture}[remember picture, overlay] 64 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=0pt] 65 + at ([xshift=-0.23in, yshift=0.75in]current page.south east) 66 + {\colorbox{black}{% 67 + \rule[-1pt]{0pt}{6.5pt}% 68 + \kern-1pt{\cardlabelfont\bfseries\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\selectfont\color{white}\$24m}\kern-0.5pt% 69 + }}; 70 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=black] 71 + at ([xshift=-\safetyinset, yshift=\safetyinset]current page.south east) 72 + {\rule{0.48in}{0.48in}}; 73 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=white] 74 + at ([xshift=-0.24in, yshift=0.24in]current page.south east) 75 + {\includegraphics[width=0.48in]{qr-24m.png}}; 76 + \end{tikzpicture} 77 + 78 + \end{document}
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sosoft/berz.aux
··· 1 + \relax 2 + \pgfsyspdfmark {pgfid2}{2600548}{1420900} 3 + \gdef \@abspage@last{1}
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sosoft/berz.log
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sosoft/card.tex
··· 32 32 Extension=.ttf 33 33 ] 34 34 \newfontfamily\cardcodefont[ 35 - UprightFont={TeX Gyre Cursor:style=Regular}, 36 - ItalicFont={TeX Gyre Cursor:style=Italic}, 37 - BoldFont={TeX Gyre Cursor:style=Bold}, 38 - BoldItalicFont={TeX Gyre Cursor:style=Bold Italic}, 39 - ]{TeX Gyre Cursor} 35 + Path=fonts/, 36 + Extension=.ttf, 37 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Regular, 38 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 39 + ]{ComicRelief-Regular} 40 + \newfontfamily\cardlabelfont[ 41 + Path=fonts/, 42 + Extension=.ttf, 43 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 44 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 45 + FakeBold=1.8, 46 + ]{ComicRelief-Bold} 40 47 \setmonofont[ 41 48 UprightFont={Nimbus Mono PS:style=Regular}, 42 49 ItalicFont={Nimbus Mono PS:style=Italic}, ··· 65 72 66 73 \vspace*{-0.26in} 67 74 68 - % === $berz screenshot with rounded corners === 75 + % === $berz screenshot === 69 76 \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}% 70 77 \begin{tikzpicture} 71 - \clip[rounded corners=5pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 78 + \clip (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 72 79 \node[anchor=south west, inner sep=0pt] at (0,0) 73 80 {\includegraphics[width=\safewidth, height=\safewidth]{berz-screenshot.png}}; 74 - \draw[black, line width=1.2pt, rounded corners=5pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 81 + \draw[black, line width=2.4pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 75 82 \end{tikzpicture}\par 76 83 77 84 \vspace{0.03in} 78 85 79 86 % === Source code === 80 87 \begingroup\offinterlineskip 81 - \cardcodefont\bfseries\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\selectfont 88 + \cardcodefont\bfseries\fontsize{9.5pt}{10.5pt}\selectfont\color{ink} 82 89 \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{}} 83 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}black\\ 84 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}ink (? white black)\\ 85 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}repeat 100 line\\ 86 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}spin 1\\ 87 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}(zoom 1.05)\\ 88 - \rule{0pt}{8.75pt}(blur 1)\\ 90 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}black\\ 91 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}ink (? white black)\\ 92 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}repeat 100 line\\ 93 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}spin 1\\ 94 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}(zoom 1.05)\\ 95 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}(blur 1)\\ 89 96 \end{tabular} 90 97 \endgroup 91 98 ··· 97 104 at ([xshift=-0.23in, yshift=0.75in]current page.south east) 98 105 {\colorbox{black}{% 99 106 \rule[-1pt]{0pt}{6.5pt}% 100 - \kern-1pt{\ttfamily\fontsize{7.5pt}{7.5pt}\selectfont\color{white}\$berz}\kern-0.5pt% 107 + \kern-1pt{\cardlabelfont\bfseries\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\selectfont\color{white}\$berz}\kern-0.5pt% 101 108 }}; 102 109 \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=black] 103 110 at ([xshift=-\safetyinset, yshift=\safetyinset]current page.south east)
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sosoft/duv.pdf

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sosoft/duv.tex
··· 1 + % Generated KidLisp score card for $duv 2 + \documentclass[12pt]{article} 3 + \usepackage[ 4 + paperwidth=2.75in, 5 + paperheight=4.75in, 6 + top=0.3in, 7 + bottom=0.3in, 8 + left=0.3in, 9 + right=0.3in, 10 + ]{geometry} 11 + \usepackage{fontspec} 12 + \usepackage{xcolor} 13 + \usepackage{tikz} 14 + \usepackage{graphicx} 15 + 16 + \pagestyle{empty} 17 + 18 + \newfontfamily\cardcodefont[ 19 + Path=fonts/, 20 + Extension=.ttf, 21 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Regular, 22 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 23 + ]{ComicRelief-Regular} 24 + \newfontfamily\cardlabelfont[ 25 + Path=fonts/, 26 + Extension=.ttf, 27 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 28 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 29 + FakeBold=1.8, 30 + ]{ComicRelief-Bold} 31 + 32 + \definecolor{ink}{RGB}{0,0,0} 33 + \newcommand{\safetyinset}{0.22in} 34 + \newcommand{\safewidth}{2.31in} 35 + 36 + \begin{document} 37 + 38 + \vspace*{-0.26in} 39 + 40 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}% 41 + \begin{tikzpicture} 42 + \clip (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 43 + \node[anchor=south west, inner sep=0pt] at (0,0) 44 + {\includegraphics[width=\safewidth, height=\safewidth]{duv-screenshot.png}}; 45 + \draw[black, line width=2.4pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 46 + \end{tikzpicture}\par 47 + 48 + \vspace{0.03in} 49 + 50 + \begingroup\offinterlineskip 51 + \cardcodefont\bfseries\fontsize{9.5pt}{10.5pt}\selectfont\color{ink} 52 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{}} 53 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}black\\ 54 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}ink zebra\\ 55 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}point w/2 h/2\\ 56 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}scroll (? -1 0 1) (? -1 0 1)\\ 57 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}(2s (zoom 1.5))\\ 58 + \end{tabular} 59 + \endgroup 60 + 61 + \vspace*{\fill} 62 + 63 + \begin{tikzpicture}[remember picture, overlay] 64 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=0pt] 65 + at ([xshift=-0.23in, yshift=0.75in]current page.south east) 66 + {\colorbox{black}{% 67 + \rule[-1pt]{0pt}{6.5pt}% 68 + \kern-1pt{\cardlabelfont\bfseries\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\selectfont\color{white}\$duv}\kern-0.5pt% 69 + }}; 70 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=black] 71 + at ([xshift=-\safetyinset, yshift=\safetyinset]current page.south east) 72 + {\rule{0.48in}{0.48in}}; 73 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=white] 74 + at ([xshift=-0.24in, yshift=0.24in]current page.south east) 75 + {\includegraphics[width=0.48in]{qr-duv.png}}; 76 + \end{tikzpicture} 77 + 78 + \end{document}
sosoft/fonts/ComicRelief-Bold.ttf

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sosoft/fonts/ComicRelief-OFL.txt
··· 1 + Copyright 2013 The Comic Relief Project Authors (https://github.com/loudifier/Comic-Relief) 2 + 3 + This Font Software is licensed under the SIL Open Font License, Version 1.1. 4 + This license is copied below, and is also available with a FAQ at: 5 + https://openfontlicense.org 6 + 7 + 8 + ----------------------------------------------------------- 9 + SIL OPEN FONT LICENSE Version 1.1 - 26 February 2007 10 + ----------------------------------------------------------- 11 + 12 + PREAMBLE 13 + The goals of the Open Font License (OFL) are to stimulate worldwide 14 + development of collaborative font projects, to support the font creation 15 + efforts of academic and linguistic communities, and to provide a free and 16 + open framework in which fonts may be shared and improved in partnership 17 + with others. 18 + 19 + The OFL allows the licensed fonts to be used, studied, modified and 20 + redistributed freely as long as they are not sold by themselves. The 21 + fonts, including any derivative works, can be bundled, embedded, 22 + redistributed and/or sold with any software provided that any reserved 23 + names are not used by derivative works. The fonts and derivatives, 24 + however, cannot be released under any other type of license. The 25 + requirement for fonts to remain under this license does not apply 26 + to any document created using the fonts or their derivatives. 27 + 28 + DEFINITIONS 29 + "Font Software" refers to the set of files released by the Copyright 30 + Holder(s) under this license and clearly marked as such. This may 31 + include source files, build scripts and documentation. 32 + 33 + "Reserved Font Name" refers to any names specified as such after the 34 + copyright statement(s). 35 + 36 + "Original Version" refers to the collection of Font Software components as 37 + distributed by the Copyright Holder(s). 38 + 39 + "Modified Version" refers to any derivative made by adding to, deleting, 40 + or substituting -- in part or in whole -- any of the components of the 41 + Original Version, by changing formats or by porting the Font Software to a 42 + new environment. 43 + 44 + "Author" refers to any designer, engineer, programmer, technical 45 + writer or other person who contributed to the Font Software. 46 + 47 + PERMISSION & CONDITIONS 48 + Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining 49 + a copy of the Font Software, to use, study, copy, merge, embed, modify, 50 + redistribute, and sell modified and unmodified copies of the Font 51 + Software, subject to the following conditions: 52 + 53 + 1) Neither the Font Software nor any of its individual components, 54 + in Original or Modified Versions, may be sold by itself. 55 + 56 + 2) Original or Modified Versions of the Font Software may be bundled, 57 + redistributed and/or sold with any software, provided that each copy 58 + contains the above copyright notice and this license. These can be 59 + included either as stand-alone text files, human-readable headers or 60 + in the appropriate machine-readable metadata fields within text or 61 + binary files as long as those fields can be easily viewed by the user. 62 + 63 + 3) No Modified Version of the Font Software may use the Reserved Font 64 + Name(s) unless explicit written permission is granted by the corresponding 65 + Copyright Holder. This restriction only applies to the primary font name as 66 + presented to the users. 67 + 68 + 4) The name(s) of the Copyright Holder(s) or the Author(s) of the Font 69 + Software shall not be used to promote, endorse or advertise any 70 + Modified Version, except to acknowledge the contribution(s) of the 71 + Copyright Holder(s) and the Author(s) or with their explicit written 72 + permission. 73 + 74 + 5) The Font Software, modified or unmodified, in part or in whole, 75 + must be distributed entirely under this license, and must not be 76 + distributed under any other license. The requirement for fonts to 77 + remain under this license does not apply to any document created 78 + using the Font Software. 79 + 80 + TERMINATION 81 + This license becomes null and void if any of the above conditions are 82 + not met. 83 + 84 + DISCLAIMER 85 + THE FONT SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, 86 + EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO ANY WARRANTIES OF 87 + MERCHANTABILITY, FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT 88 + OF COPYRIGHT, PATENT, TRADEMARK, OR OTHER RIGHT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE 89 + COPYRIGHT HOLDER BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER LIABILITY, 90 + INCLUDING ANY GENERAL, SPECIAL, INDIRECT, INCIDENTAL, OR CONSEQUENTIAL 91 + DAMAGES, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING 92 + FROM, OUT OF THE USE OR INABILITY TO USE THE FONT SOFTWARE OR FROM 93 + OTHER DEALINGS IN THE FONT SOFTWARE.
sosoft/fonts/ComicRelief-Regular.ttf

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sosoft/generate-kidlisp-cards.mjs
··· 1 + #!/usr/bin/env node 2 + 3 + import fs from "node:fs/promises"; 4 + import path from "node:path"; 5 + import { execFileSync } from "node:child_process"; 6 + import { fileURLToPath } from "node:url"; 7 + import puppeteer from "puppeteer"; 8 + import QRCode from "qrcode"; 9 + 10 + const __dirname = path.dirname(fileURLToPath(import.meta.url)); 11 + const codes = process.argv.slice(2); 12 + const cardCodes = codes.length ? codes : ["kl1", "24m", "duv"]; 13 + const sourceWrapColumn = 34; 14 + const screenshotSize = 1000; 15 + const ovenFrameDelayMs = 2200; 16 + 17 + const browser = await puppeteer.launch({ 18 + headless: true, 19 + executablePath: process.env.PUPPETEER_EXECUTABLE_PATH || "/usr/sbin/chromium-browser", 20 + args: ["--no-sandbox", "--disable-setuid-sandbox"], 21 + }); 22 + 23 + for (const code of cardCodes) { 24 + const cardData = await fetchCardData(code); 25 + await captureScreenshot(browser, cardData); 26 + await writeQrCode(cardData); 27 + await writeCardTex(cardData); 28 + renderPdf(cardData.code); 29 + console.log(`wrote ${cardData.code}.pdf`); 30 + } 31 + 32 + await browser.close(); 33 + 34 + async function fetchCardData(code) { 35 + const response = await fetch( 36 + `https://aesthetic.computer/api/store-kidlisp?code=${encodeURIComponent(code)}`, 37 + ); 38 + 39 + if (!response.ok) { 40 + throw new Error(`Failed to fetch $${code}: ${response.status} ${response.statusText}`); 41 + } 42 + 43 + const payload = await response.json(); 44 + if (!payload.source || !payload.ipfsMedia?.thumbnailUri) { 45 + throw new Error(`Missing source or thumbnail metadata for $${code}`); 46 + } 47 + 48 + return { 49 + code, 50 + source: payload.source, 51 + }; 52 + } 53 + 54 + async function captureScreenshot(browser, { code }) { 55 + const screenshotPath = path.join(__dirname, `${code}-screenshot.png`); 56 + const ovenUrl = new URL( 57 + `/grab/webp/${screenshotSize}/${screenshotSize}/${encodeURIComponent(`$${code}`)}`, 58 + "https://oven.aesthetic.computer", 59 + ); 60 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("duration", "2200"); 61 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("fps", "8"); 62 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("quality", "90"); 63 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("density", "1"); 64 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("nowait", "true"); 65 + ovenUrl.searchParams.set("source", "sosoft-card"); 66 + 67 + const page = await browser.newPage(); 68 + page.setDefaultTimeout(120000); 69 + page.setDefaultNavigationTimeout(120000); 70 + await page.setViewport({ 71 + width: screenshotSize, 72 + height: screenshotSize, 73 + deviceScaleFactor: 1, 74 + }); 75 + await page.setContent( 76 + `<!doctype html> 77 + <html> 78 + <body style="margin:0;background:#fff;width:${screenshotSize}px;height:${screenshotSize}px;overflow:hidden"> 79 + <img 80 + id="piece" 81 + src="${ovenUrl.toString()}" 82 + width="${screenshotSize}" 83 + height="${screenshotSize}" 84 + style="display:block;width:${screenshotSize}px;height:${screenshotSize}px" 85 + /> 86 + </body> 87 + </html>`, 88 + { waitUntil: "domcontentloaded", timeout: 120000 }, 89 + ); 90 + await page.waitForFunction(() => { 91 + const piece = document.getElementById("piece"); 92 + return piece && piece.complete && piece.naturalWidth > 0; 93 + }, { timeout: 120000 }); 94 + await new Promise((resolve) => setTimeout(resolve, ovenFrameDelayMs)); 95 + await page.screenshot({ 96 + path: screenshotPath, 97 + clip: { x: 0, y: 0, width: screenshotSize, height: screenshotSize }, 98 + }); 99 + await page.close(); 100 + } 101 + 102 + async function writeQrCode({ code }) { 103 + await QRCode.toFile( 104 + path.join(__dirname, `qr-${code}.png`), 105 + `https://aesthetic.computer/${code}`, 106 + { 107 + margin: 0, 108 + width: 512, 109 + color: { 110 + dark: "#000000", 111 + light: "#ffffff", 112 + }, 113 + }, 114 + ); 115 + } 116 + 117 + async function writeCardTex({ code, source }) { 118 + const sourceRows = wrapSource(source) 119 + .map((line) => `\\rule{0pt}{11pt}${escapeTex(line)}\\\\`) 120 + .join("\n"); 121 + 122 + const tex = `% Generated KidLisp score card for $${code} 123 + \\documentclass[12pt]{article} 124 + \\usepackage[ 125 + paperwidth=2.75in, 126 + paperheight=4.75in, 127 + top=0.3in, 128 + bottom=0.3in, 129 + left=0.3in, 130 + right=0.3in, 131 + ]{geometry} 132 + \\usepackage{fontspec} 133 + \\usepackage{xcolor} 134 + \\usepackage{tikz} 135 + \\usepackage{graphicx} 136 + 137 + \\pagestyle{empty} 138 + 139 + \\newfontfamily\\cardcodefont[ 140 + Path=fonts/, 141 + Extension=.ttf, 142 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Regular, 143 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 144 + ]{ComicRelief-Regular} 145 + \\newfontfamily\\cardlabelfont[ 146 + Path=fonts/, 147 + Extension=.ttf, 148 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 149 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 150 + FakeBold=1.8, 151 + ]{ComicRelief-Bold} 152 + 153 + \\definecolor{ink}{RGB}{0,0,0} 154 + \\newcommand{\\safetyinset}{0.22in} 155 + \\newcommand{\\safewidth}{2.31in} 156 + 157 + \\begin{document} 158 + 159 + \\vspace*{-0.26in} 160 + 161 + \\noindent\\hspace*{-0.08in}% 162 + \\begin{tikzpicture} 163 + \\clip (0,0) rectangle (\\safewidth,\\safewidth); 164 + \\node[anchor=south west, inner sep=0pt] at (0,0) 165 + {\\includegraphics[width=\\safewidth, height=\\safewidth]{${escapeTex(code)}-screenshot.png}}; 166 + \\draw[black, line width=2.4pt] (0,0) rectangle (\\safewidth,\\safewidth); 167 + \\end{tikzpicture}\\par 168 + 169 + \\vspace{0.03in} 170 + 171 + \\begingroup\\offinterlineskip 172 + \\cardcodefont\\bfseries\\fontsize{9.5pt}{10.5pt}\\selectfont\\color{ink} 173 + \\noindent\\hspace*{-0.08in}\\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{}} 174 + ${sourceRows} 175 + \\end{tabular} 176 + \\endgroup 177 + 178 + \\vspace*{\\fill} 179 + 180 + \\begin{tikzpicture}[remember picture, overlay] 181 + \\node[anchor=south east, inner sep=0pt] 182 + at ([xshift=-0.23in, yshift=0.75in]current page.south east) 183 + {\\colorbox{black}{% 184 + \\rule[-1pt]{0pt}{6.5pt}% 185 + \\kern-1pt{\\cardlabelfont\\bfseries\\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\\selectfont\\color{white}\\$${escapeTex(code)}}\\kern-0.5pt% 186 + }}; 187 + \\node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=black] 188 + at ([xshift=-\\safetyinset, yshift=\\safetyinset]current page.south east) 189 + {\\rule{0.48in}{0.48in}}; 190 + \\node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=white] 191 + at ([xshift=-0.24in, yshift=0.24in]current page.south east) 192 + {\\includegraphics[width=0.48in]{qr-${escapeTex(code)}.png}}; 193 + \\end{tikzpicture} 194 + 195 + \\end{document} 196 + `; 197 + 198 + await fs.writeFile(path.join(__dirname, `${code}.tex`), tex); 199 + } 200 + 201 + function renderPdf(code) { 202 + const args = ["-interaction=nonstopmode", "-halt-on-error", `${code}.tex`]; 203 + execFileSync("xelatex", args, { cwd: __dirname, stdio: "ignore" }); 204 + execFileSync("xelatex", args, { cwd: __dirname, stdio: "ignore" }); 205 + execFileSync( 206 + "pdftoppm", 207 + ["-f", "1", "-singlefile", "-r", "200", "-png", `${code}.pdf`, code], 208 + { cwd: __dirname, stdio: "ignore" }, 209 + ); 210 + } 211 + 212 + function wrapSource(source) { 213 + return source 214 + .split(/\n+/) 215 + .flatMap((line) => wrapLine(line.trim())) 216 + .filter(Boolean); 217 + } 218 + 219 + function wrapLine(line) { 220 + if (line.length <= sourceWrapColumn) { 221 + return [line]; 222 + } 223 + 224 + const commaParts = line.split(/\s*,\s*/).filter(Boolean); 225 + if (commaParts.length > 1) { 226 + return commaParts.flatMap((part) => wrapWords(part)); 227 + } 228 + 229 + return wrapWords(line); 230 + } 231 + 232 + function wrapWords(line) { 233 + if (line.length <= sourceWrapColumn) { 234 + return [line]; 235 + } 236 + 237 + const wrapped = []; 238 + let current = ""; 239 + for (const word of line.split(/\s+/)) { 240 + const candidate = current ? `${current} ${word}` : word; 241 + if (candidate.length > sourceWrapColumn && current) { 242 + wrapped.push(current); 243 + current = word; 244 + } else { 245 + current = candidate; 246 + } 247 + } 248 + if (current) { 249 + wrapped.push(current); 250 + } 251 + return wrapped; 252 + } 253 + 254 + function escapeTex(value) { 255 + return value.replace(/[\\{}#$%&_~^]/g, (char) => { 256 + switch (char) { 257 + case "\\": 258 + return "\\textbackslash{}"; 259 + case "{": 260 + return "\\{"; 261 + case "}": 262 + return "\\}"; 263 + case "#": 264 + return "\\#"; 265 + case "$": 266 + return "\\$"; 267 + case "%": 268 + return "\\%"; 269 + case "&": 270 + return "\\&"; 271 + case "_": 272 + return "\\_"; 273 + case "~": 274 + return "\\textasciitilde{}"; 275 + case "^": 276 + return "\\textasciicircum{}"; 277 + default: 278 + return char; 279 + } 280 + }); 281 + }
sosoft/kl1-screenshot.png

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sosoft/kl1.aux
··· 1 + \relax 2 + \pgfsyspdfmark {pgfid2}{2600548}{1420900} 3 + \gdef \@abspage@last{1}
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sosoft/kl1.log
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sosoft/kl1.tex
··· 1 + % Generated KidLisp score card for $kl1 2 + \documentclass[12pt]{article} 3 + \usepackage[ 4 + paperwidth=2.75in, 5 + paperheight=4.75in, 6 + top=0.3in, 7 + bottom=0.3in, 8 + left=0.3in, 9 + right=0.3in, 10 + ]{geometry} 11 + \usepackage{fontspec} 12 + \usepackage{xcolor} 13 + \usepackage{tikz} 14 + \usepackage{graphicx} 15 + 16 + \pagestyle{empty} 17 + 18 + \newfontfamily\cardcodefont[ 19 + Path=fonts/, 20 + Extension=.ttf, 21 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Regular, 22 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 23 + ]{ComicRelief-Regular} 24 + \newfontfamily\cardlabelfont[ 25 + Path=fonts/, 26 + Extension=.ttf, 27 + UprightFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 28 + BoldFont=ComicRelief-Bold, 29 + FakeBold=1.8, 30 + ]{ComicRelief-Bold} 31 + 32 + \definecolor{ink}{RGB}{0,0,0} 33 + \newcommand{\safetyinset}{0.22in} 34 + \newcommand{\safewidth}{2.31in} 35 + 36 + \begin{document} 37 + 38 + \vspace*{-0.26in} 39 + 40 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}% 41 + \begin{tikzpicture} 42 + \clip (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 43 + \node[anchor=south west, inner sep=0pt] at (0,0) 44 + {\includegraphics[width=\safewidth, height=\safewidth]{kl1-screenshot.png}}; 45 + \draw[black, line width=2.4pt] (0,0) rectangle (\safewidth,\safewidth); 46 + \end{tikzpicture}\par 47 + 48 + \vspace{0.03in} 49 + 50 + \begingroup\offinterlineskip 51 + \cardcodefont\bfseries\fontsize{9.5pt}{10.5pt}\selectfont\color{ink} 52 + \noindent\hspace*{-0.08in}\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{}} 53 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}black\\ 54 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}mask w/2 0 w/2 h, ink zebra\\ 55 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}box ? ? ?\\ 56 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}unmask\\ 57 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}scroll (? 0 -1 1) 10\\ 58 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}ink zebra, line, spin 3, burn\\ 59 + \rule{0pt}{11pt}zoom 0.1, scroll frame/10\\ 60 + \end{tabular} 61 + \endgroup 62 + 63 + \vspace*{\fill} 64 + 65 + \begin{tikzpicture}[remember picture, overlay] 66 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=0pt] 67 + at ([xshift=-0.23in, yshift=0.75in]current page.south east) 68 + {\colorbox{black}{% 69 + \rule[-1pt]{0pt}{6.5pt}% 70 + \kern-1pt{\cardlabelfont\bfseries\fontsize{8pt}{8pt}\selectfont\color{white}\$kl1}\kern-0.5pt% 71 + }}; 72 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=black] 73 + at ([xshift=-\safetyinset, yshift=\safetyinset]current page.south east) 74 + {\rule{0.48in}{0.48in}}; 75 + \node[anchor=south east, inner sep=1pt, fill=white] 76 + at ([xshift=-0.24in, yshift=0.24in]current page.south east) 77 + {\includegraphics[width=0.48in]{qr-kl1.png}}; 78 + \end{tikzpicture} 79 + 80 + \end{document}
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system/public/assets/papers/readings/text/Gallope-Harren-Hicks-The-Scores-Project-2025.txt
··· 1 + The Scores Project 2 + The Scores Project 3 + 4 + Essays on Experimental 5 + Notation in Music, Art, Poetry, 6 + and Dance, 1950–1975 7 + 8 + Edited by 9 + Michael Gallope 10 + Natilee Harren 11 + John Hicks 12 + 13 + 14 + 15 + 16 + Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles 17 + This publication was created using Quire™, a multiformat publishing tool 18 + from Getty. 19 + 20 + The free online edition of this open-access publication is available at 21 + getty.edu/publications/scores/ and includes video, audio, and zoomable 22 + illustrations. Free PDF and EPUB downloads of the book are also 23 + available. 24 + 25 + © 2025 J. Paul Getty Trust 26 + 27 + 28 + 29 + 30 + The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 31 + -NonCommercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this 32 + license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/. All 33 + images are reproduced with the permission of the rights holders 34 + acknowledged in captions and are expressly excluded from the CC BY- 35 + NC license covering the rest of this publication. These images may not 36 + be reproduced, copied, transmitted, or manipulated without consent 37 + from the owners, who reserve all rights. 38 + 39 + First edition 2025 40 + Any revisions or corrections made to this publication after the first 41 + edition date will be listed in detail in the project repository at https:// 42 + github.com/thegetty/scores. The revisions branch of the project 43 + repository, when present, will show any changes currently under 44 + consideration but not yet published here. 45 + 46 + Published by the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles 47 + Getty Publications 48 + 1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 500 49 + Los Angeles, California 90049-1682 50 + getty.edu/publications/ 51 + 52 + Adriana Romero, Project Editor 53 + Lisa Marietta, Manuscript Editor 54 + Greg Albers, Digital Publications Manager 55 + Andrew LeClair and E Roon Kang, Design 56 + Molly McGeehan, Production 57 + Karen Ehrmann and Pauline Lopez, Image and Rights Acquisition 58 + Jenny Park and Alex Hallenbeck, Digital Assistants 59 + 60 + Distributed in the United States and Canada by the University of 61 + Chicago Press 62 + 63 + Distributed outside the United States and Canada by Yale University 64 + Press, London 65 + 66 + Type composed in U001 67 + 68 + Printed in China 69 + Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 70 + Names: Gallope, Michael, editor. | Harren, Natilee, editor. | Hicks, John 71 + (John Andrew), editor. | Getty Research Institute, issuing body. 72 + Title: The scores project : essays on experimental notation in music, art, 73 + poetry, and dance, 1950–1975 / edited by Michael Gallope, Natilee 74 + Harren, and John Hicks. 75 + Description: Los Angeles : Getty Research Institute, [2025] | Includes 76 + bibliographical references. | Summary: “A collection of essays 77 + examining experimental scores and source documents from the 78 + postwar avant-gardes, interpreted by experts on art, music, dance, 79 + and poetry”— Provided by publisher. 80 + Identifiers: LCCN 2024032747 | ISBN 9781606069332 (paperback) | 81 + ISBN 9781606069356 (pdf) | ISBN 9781606069349 (epub) 82 + Subjects: LCSH: Avant-garde (Aesthetics)—History—20th century. | 83 + Arts—Experimental methods—History—20th century. | Performance 84 + art—History—20th century. | Musical notation—History—20th 85 + century. | Movement notation—History—20th century. 86 + Classification: LCC NX458 .S37 2025 | DDC 700/.41109045—dc23/ 87 + eng/20240926 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ 88 + 2024032747 89 + 90 + Every effort has been made to contact the owners and photographers of 91 + illustrations reproduced here whose names do not appear in the 92 + captions. Photographs and videos of items in the holdings of the Getty 93 + Research Institute are courtesy the Research Institute. Anyone having 94 + further information concerning copyright holders is asked to contact 95 + Getty Publications so this information can be included in future 96 + printings. 97 + 98 + This publication was peer reviewed through a single-masked process in 99 + which the reviewers remained anonymous. 100 + About the Project 101 + 102 + 103 + 104 + 105 + In the mid-twentieth century, individuals across visual art, 106 + music, poetry, theater, and dance began using 107 + experimental scores, revolutionizing artistic practice and 108 + fostering interdisciplinary collaboration. Featuring over 109 + two thousand images and audiovisual materials, The 110 + Scores Project is a unique digital publication that provides 111 + a comprehensive view of this historical moment through 112 + select experimental scores by George Brecht, Sylvano 113 + Bussotti, John Cage, Morton Feldman, Allan Kaprow, 114 + Alison Knowles, Jackson Mac Low, Benjamin Patterson, 115 + Yvonne Rainer, Mieko Shiomi, and La Monte Young, as 116 + well as commentaries from an interdisciplinary team of 117 + scholars, rekindling a sense of wonder at this innovative 118 + and complex period in art history. 119 + 120 + Published to accompany the digital edition, this 121 + print book includes the introduction, complete 122 + commentaries, and a selection of images from the 123 + online publication. URLs are provided throughout— 124 + in captions and chapter openers—to encourage 125 + readers to engage with the online edition. To view 126 + the project in its entirety, please visit getty.edu/ 127 + publications/scores/. 128 + Contents 129 + 130 + 131 + 132 + 133 + 1 Introduction 134 + Michael Gallope 135 + Natilee Harren 136 + John Hicks 137 + 138 + 69 1. Morton Feldman: Intersection 3 (1953) 139 + Michael Gallope 140 + 141 + 81 2. John Cage: Concert for Piano and Orchestra 142 + (1958) 143 + Michael Gallope 144 + Nancy Perloff 145 + 146 + 95 3. Sylvano Bussotti: Five Piano Pieces for 147 + David Tudor (1959) 148 + Michael Gallope 149 + 150 + 111 4. Benjamin Patterson: Paper Piece (1960) 151 + George E. Lewis 152 + 153 + 127 5. La Monte Young, ed.: An Anthology of 154 + Chance Operations (1962–63) 155 + Benjamin Piekut 156 + 157 + 143 6. George Brecht: Drip Music (Drip Event) 158 + (1959–62), from Water Yam (1963) 159 + Natilee Harren 160 + 161 + 159 7. Jackson Mac Low: Three Social Projects 162 + (1963) 163 + John Hicks 164 + 165 + 173 8. Yvonne Rainer: We Shall Run (1963) 166 + Julia Bryan-Wilson 167 + 191 9. Alison Knowles: The Identical Lunch (late 168 + 1960s–early ’70s) 169 + Emily Ruth Capper 170 + 171 + 207 10. Mieko Shiomi: Spatial Poem (1965–75) 172 + Natilee Harren 173 + 174 + 225 11. Allan Kaprow: Routine (1973–75) 175 + Emily Ruth Capper 176 + 177 + 245 Contributors 178 + 179 + 247 Acknowledgments 180 + Introduction 181 + 182 + Michael Gallope 183 + Natilee Harren 184 + John Hicks 185 + 186 + 187 + 188 + In the decades following World War II, the musical score 189 + emerged as a unique and powerful medium for experimental 190 + art. A new movement of visual artists, composers, poets, 191 + and performers reimagined the score—traditionally defined 192 + as the written representation of a musical composition—as a 193 + tool for structuring experimentation in the nascent fields of 194 + performance art, conceptualism, and intermedia. They drew 195 + inspiration from unconventional musical notations devised in 196 + the early to mid-1950s by the composers Earle Brown, John 197 + Cage, and Morton Feldman. The new movement’s use of 198 + experimental scores spread during the 1960s through 199 + publications, festivals, concerts, classrooms, networked 200 + correspondence, exhibitions, happenings, and a renewed 201 + awareness of score-like antecedents in the charts, diagrams, 202 + sketches, and written instructions of earlier avant-gardes, 203 + from Dada and Surrealism to the Bauhaus. By the later years 204 + of the 1960s, diverse communities of artists, musicians, 205 + poets, and dancers had transformed the possibilities of the 206 + score into an ever-expanding universe of textual, symbolic, 207 + and graphic marks. They used experimental scores to stage a 208 + multitude of practices that dismantled and recast the 209 + traditional boundaries of artistic media. 210 + Important precedents for this movement emerged 211 + during the 1950s. A number of early experimental scores 212 + were written expressly for the pianist David Tudor, a 213 + specialist performer who earned near-universal critical 214 + respect for the meticulous care he took in realizing even the 215 + most open-ended musical notations. Composers and artists 216 + who wrote scores for Tudor devised notations that reworked 217 + 218 + ................ 219 + getty.edu/publications/scores/intro/ 1 220 + and, in some cases, abandoned the Western musical staff, 221 + with its usual notes, beams, rests, meters, and key 222 + signatures. They crafted intricate diagrams, freehand 223 + drawings, and textual instructions that dramatically 224 + expanded the performer’s role in interpreting a given score. 225 + To aid in his performances of such “indeterminate” works, 226 + Tudor first created in 1954 what he called a “realization”: a 227 + translation of the open-ended elements of an experimental 228 + score into a personalized notation system suitable for 229 + performance. Due to the strength of Tudor’s international 230 + reputation, his commitment to his collaborators’ desires to 231 + experiment across disciplinary and artistic boundaries, and 232 + his famously accurate and deadpan performances of even 233 + the most outrageous stunts, the pianist, in the years until 234 + about 1961, himself served as a key agent for score-based 235 + experimentation. By virtue of his reputation and 236 + accomplishments, Tudor would help establish a broader 237 + international legitimacy for avant-garde performance. 238 + Alongside the new forms of notation, committed performers 239 + such as Tudor played a crucial role in presenting these 240 + challenging works to skeptical audiences, thereby opening 241 + new possibilities for performance in an emerging culture of 242 + indeterminate composition. 243 + By the late 1950s, a new generation of visual and 244 + performing artists began to use experimental scores to push 245 + their practice beyond accepted conventions of genre or 246 + medium. An important catalyst for these activities was John 247 + Cage’s course in experimental composition (1956–59) at 248 + the New School for Social Research. Cage’s course attracted 249 + artists who did not consider themselves musicians but were 250 + inspired—and, indeed, tasked by Cage with exploring 251 + different approaches to composing time-based performance 252 + works by experimenting with the score format. In turn, 253 + Cage’s students, including George Brecht and Allan Kaprow, 254 + adapted scores to hybridize and reconceptualize a number of 255 + existing artistic mediums (painting, sculpture, film, printed 256 + 257 + 258 + 259 + 2 Introduction 260 + text, collage, etc.), thus producing new forms of what Dick 261 + Higgins would term intermedia.1 262 + Through loosely organized peer networks forged by 263 + performances, festivals, mailed ephemera, publications, and 264 + word-of-mouth transmission, the 1960s saw an 265 + international explosion of experimental scoring practices. An 266 + important incubator of these activities was Fluxus, a loosely 267 + organized experimental performance and publishing 268 + collective launched in September 1962 in Wiesbaden, West 269 + Germany, whose membership spanned Western Europe, the 270 + United States, and Japan. Compositions by Fluxus affiliates 271 + including Alison Knowles, Jackson Mac Low, Benjamin 272 + Patterson, and Mieko Shiomi conveyed instructions for 273 + participatory events, broke down professionalized cultures 274 + of performance, posed philosophical questions to 275 + audiences, and experimented with various symbols and 276 + modes of written representation. At a remove from the 277 + layered complexities of modernist poetry, the language of 278 + their scores could startle readers with straightforward 279 + instructions for specific, often mundane tasks or parody 280 + technical and bureaucratic languages of modernization. In 281 + other moments, their graphically elaborate works 282 + emphasized visual interest over readability. In the context of 283 + a gallery exhibition or publication, an experimental score 284 + could be seen as a work of visual art in its own right, 285 + independent of any realization or performance. Meanwhile, 286 + poets such as Mac Low, and dancers, including those 287 + associated with New York’s Judson Dance Theater, played 288 + with scores as a way of rethinking and recalibrating their 289 + approaches to narrative, materiality, spectacle, and 290 + authorship. 291 + Philosophically speaking, experimental scores 292 + enabled a shift in investment from the static polish of a 293 + finished work to procedures and processes—often iterative, 294 + indeterminate, or chance-derived—in a way that vastly 295 + expanded and challenged what counted as a work of art. 296 + Artists and critics of the time perceived this process-based 297 + 298 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 3 299 + work as facilitating escape from the fashionable but 300 + dogmatic theory of modernism that had been forwarded by 301 + the eminent American art critic Clement Greenberg, whose 302 + theory valued the specialized autonomy of modernist 303 + abstraction against the threat of popular kitsch, and prized 304 + the rigorous separation of artistic mediums (painting, 305 + sculpture, etc.) from one another.2 In retrospect, we can see 306 + artists’ turn to scores in this moment as a major event that 307 + helped usher in the series of paradigm shifts later associated 308 + with the demise of Greenbergian modernism, a change that 309 + prepared the ground for more recently accepted ideas about 310 + the destabilized nature of both contemporary art (as idea and 311 + object) and the complex identity of artists in relation to their 312 + work. 313 + Existing accounts of this period have identified the 314 + score as a widely adopted tool among avant-garde artists, 315 + but there has not previously been a comprehensive scholarly 316 + overview of the origins and development of the score as a 317 + distinct transdisciplinary artistic medium deserving of its 318 + own narrative, alongside other recognized twentieth- 319 + century genres such as collage or the readymade.3 By 320 + foregrounding the role of experimental scores in the 321 + development of contemporary art and performance broadly 322 + speaking, The Scores Project resituates an array of 323 + historiographic debates in Western art around 1960: the 324 + aesthetic evolution of modernism into postmodernism; the 325 + relationship of postwar avant-garde movements to their 326 + prewar antecedents in Europe; differing conceptions of 327 + composition, improvisation, and indeterminacy; the 328 + increasingly porous relationships between artworks and 329 + their surrounding social worlds; and conflicting ideas of skill, 330 + authority, and authenticity. 331 + Focused on this time period and phenomenon, The 332 + Scores Project presents and analyzes a selection of 333 + post–World War II scores drawn from the holdings of the 334 + Getty Research Institute (GRI). The project’s custom- 335 + designed digital interface helps readers better understand 336 + 337 + 4 Introduction 338 + the rich historical and international contexts in play while 339 + also grasping the many ways experimental scores rewired 340 + artistic coordinates of space and time. In this way, The 341 + Scores Project is not merely a digitization effort; it is an 342 + interactive, critical anthology—a book, exhibition, digital 343 + research repository, and interactive dataset all in one. Eleven 344 + chapters, each focused on a particular artist or composer, 345 + reproduce curated selections of scores and related archival 346 + materials. The individuals featured are Morton Feldman, 347 + John Cage, Sylvano Bussotti, Benjamin Patterson, La Monte 348 + Young, George Brecht, Jackson Mac Low, Yvonne Rainer, 349 + Alison Knowles, Mieko Shiomi, and Allan Kaprow. Most of 350 + these figures knew one another and lived and worked in 351 + proximity to New York, with the exception of Shiomi, who 352 + was in Osaka, Japan. But they also traveled to Europe and 353 + East Asia, where their experimentations impacted and were 354 + impacted by a wider network of avant-garde figures. Chapter 355 + 5, on Young’s An Anthology of Chance Operations 356 + (1962–63), functions as a kind of temporal hinge or gateway 357 + linking 1950s activities to the efflorescence of notation in 358 + the ’60s. It includes a complete digitization of this 359 + watershed compendium of experimental notations and 360 + position statements, and it gestures outward to a broader 361 + milieu of artists engaged in the use of scores. 362 + 363 + 364 + Navigating The Scores Project 365 + 366 + It is notoriously difficult to demonstrate the technical 367 + particulars of any of these scores when bound by the limited 368 + space of a gallery exhibition, a published book, a concert 369 + program, or by traditional audio or video documentation. 370 + With this difficulty in mind, our collaborators at Getty 371 + Publications and Getty Digital, along with the project 372 + designers Andrew LeClair and E Roon Kang, devised an 373 + interface that facilitates viewing, reading, listening, and 374 + guided engagement with over two thousand historical 375 + documents, images, films, videos, and recordings. LeClair 376 + 377 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 5 378 + and Kang’s custom design aims to maximize technical and 379 + historical understanding of experimental scores for a wide 380 + range of readers, both specialist and nonspecialist, who may 381 + be drawn to this material from different disciplinary 382 + orientations. Each chapter features the following: (1) a 383 + Commentary section with a scholarly essay by an expert 384 + author that narrates the score’s original context and 385 + describes its key elements; (2) a click-through Score section 386 + that showcases high-resolution images of the scores; (3) a 387 + Playback section that contains time-based content in audio, 388 + video, and interactive formats, including historical 389 + realizations alongside newly commissioned performances 390 + directed by a diverse cohort of contemporary performance 391 + artists; and (4) an Archive section with a curated trove of 392 + relevant primary materials drawn largely from Special 393 + Collections at the GRI, including ephemera and 3-D imaging 394 + of related objects. These archival materials contextualize the 395 + scores and will facilitate new research by scholars and 396 + students who may be unable to travel to the GRI to access 397 + these unique items in person. All these primary materials are 398 + also collected in the book’s online Object Index, where 399 + readers can fully explore their contents and filter them by 400 + different categories. Readers can also view the figures in 401 + each chapter in greater detail by following the URLs provided 402 + in the captions. 403 + Within a single chapter, readers can inspect 404 + preparatory compositional sketches, compare recorded 405 + performances, peruse historical concert reviews, and pore 406 + over intimate correspondence between composers and 407 + performers. Framing each featured score is a scholarly 408 + commentary that situates the work historically and 409 + theoretically, provides a cohesive overview of the chapter’s 410 + contents, and guides the reader in how to approach the 411 + wealth of materials included. In exploring the commentaries 412 + as well as the extended captions nested in the subsections of 413 + each chapter, users will enjoy an experience akin to peeking 414 + over the shoulder of a scholar as they examine rare archival 415 + 416 + 6 Introduction 417 + materials. Readers will be prompted to note details and 418 + quirks in the scores, to play back animations that help 419 + decode various notations, and to ponder the ways in which 420 + words, images, and sounds either translate or fail to 421 + translate into one another. 422 + Readers will also be alerted to links to other chapters, 423 + artists, and scores; in this manner, the primary digital format 424 + of The Scores Project demonstrates the networked quality of 425 + the materials and histories it contains. By bringing these 426 + works together in one accessible interface and presenting 427 + them in a way that reduces the technical barriers that scores 428 + often present to nonspecialists, we hope to spur increased 429 + interdisciplinary collaboration and pedagogy among art 430 + historians, music scholars, literary and performance 431 + scholars, and others. Just as importantly, The Scores 432 + Project provides exciting new ways for the general public to 433 + access and engage with these materials. Above all, our aim 434 + is to foster a renewed sense of wonder about this innovative 435 + and historically complex moment in the history of postwar 436 + art. 437 + In their time, experimental scores of the postwar era 438 + provoked aesthetic shifts and new alliances across a wide 439 + array of artistic disciplines, and yet historical accounts of 440 + these materials have often remained constrained by siloed 441 + conversations within the disciplines of music studies, art 442 + history, literary studies, and performance studies. As a 443 + result, the multidisciplinary history of experimental scores 444 + has remained underappreciated, its scholarship fragmented 445 + into partial accounts that tend to privilege one medium and 446 + its artistic community above others. Faced with avant-garde 447 + artists who made it their life’s work to question 448 + professionalized boundaries, disciplinary rigidity on the part 449 + of scholars runs the risk of distorting the historical record or 450 + producing biased theories. Therefore, we as editors—with 451 + training in the fields of music studies (Gallope), art history 452 + (Harren), and literary studies (Hicks)—have selected for The 453 + Scores Project a series of works drawn from the GRI’s 454 + 455 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 7 456 + Special Collections that span artistic disciplines and 457 + productively trouble them along the way. New texts by Julia 458 + Bryan-Wilson, Emily Ruth Capper, George E. Lewis, Nancy 459 + Perloff, and Benjamin Piekut broaden the project’s 460 + intellectual reach even further. The multitude of voices and 461 + intellectual investments represented here constitute a 462 + polyphonic ensemble and not an irreproachable canon, an 463 + outcome that was also our aim as we curated the list of 464 + artists and scores. We hope the interdisciplinary 465 + connectivity of The Scores Project facilitates stronger 466 + understanding of the inner workings of each score across 467 + the domains of image, word, and sound, and helps to build 468 + and model an expansive, collaborative community of 469 + scholars, readers, and performers appropriate to this 470 + formative moment in the history of experimental art-making. 471 + In this introduction, we offer accounts of the 472 + intertwined narratives on the antecedents, creation, and 473 + reception of experimental scores. We begin with the section 474 + “Music, Scores, and Indeterminacy,” which situates The 475 + Scores Project within global histories of musical notation 476 + and the various musical avant-gardes, paying particular 477 + attention to the distinction between indeterminacy and 478 + improvisation, especially as it relates to race. We then turn, 479 + in the section “Scoring Intermedia,” to histories of visual and 480 + performance art, looking at precursors to this experimental 481 + tradition in early twentieth-century avant-gardes (including 482 + Dada and Surrealism) and in the interdisciplinary pedagogy 483 + developed at Black Mountain College and its predecessor, 484 + the Bauhaus. In the final portion, “Poetry and Experimental 485 + Scores,” we discuss the score-like qualities of literature and 486 + prosody, showing how poets and literary critics referred to 487 + the musical score as a model in their longstanding debates 488 + over the relative status of a printed text compared to 489 + performed versions of a literary work. 490 + By foregrounding the materiality, social history, and 491 + performance culture of experimental scores, The Scores 492 + Project refocuses attention away from well-worn 493 + 494 + 8 Introduction 495 + disagreements over scores, performances, and musical 496 + works in the philosophy of music.4 Instead, the project 497 + draws attention to a more comparative understanding of the 498 + fine-grained social and intellectual histories of when, how, 499 + and why twentieth-century artists turned to experimental 500 + scores in the first place. In this way, the project invites 501 + readers to consider the importance of a medium that is 502 + extraordinarily versatile. Experimental scores are at once 503 + structuring and borderless; they are often conceptually 504 + specific yet emancipating for participants. As noted above, 505 + scores have helped artists shift their focus from the 506 + composition of finished works to the invention of 507 + experimental processes. They have encouraged audiences 508 + to move beyond passive reception to active interpretation, 509 + and in some cases direct participation. As a result, artistic 510 + practices have become a space to think without specific 511 + goals, to question without resolution, and to act without 512 + foreknowledge of an outcome. In these ways, scores have 513 + facilitated valuable and enduring processes for advancing 514 + experimental art. 515 + 516 + 517 + Music, Scores, and Indeterminacy 518 + 519 + Tracing the word score back to its origins in Old English, we 520 + discover that it denotes an inscription, a mark, or a tally.5 521 + The historical meaning of the term is apt for describing how 522 + notation relates to music. A score is a media device, a visual 523 + inscription of music in graphic space, on clay tablets, with 524 + pigment, or by way of engraving or printing. It encodes, and 525 + thus transforms, dynamic musical time into a visible set of 526 + instructions for its performance. To be sure, score has since 527 + acquired a much more specific meaning. Since the early part 528 + of the eighteenth century, the terms score and musical score 529 + derive from the “scoring” of long bar lines down multiple 530 + staves.6 The modern English usage of the word most 531 + commonly refers to a single authoritative notation that 532 + includes all the individual parts of a complete musical work. 533 + 534 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 9 535 + Musical notation has not always been associated 536 + with the preservation of an elaborate musical form. As was 537 + the case for the technology of writing in Plato’s dialogue 538 + Phaedrus (ca. 370 BCE), the purpose of musical notation 539 + was, more practically, to supplement the powers of musical 540 + memory.7 Thus, it is important to note that even with the aid 541 + of musical notation, a great deal still had to be remembered 542 + or reconstructed by the performer. Most musical notation 543 + systems from throughout world history are a form of 544 + shorthand with only skeletal information about what is to be 545 + performed. For example, extant cuneiform script from 546 + Sumer circa 1400 BCE includes the names of strings and 547 + fragments of a melody; Ancient Greek notation since the 548 + sixth century BCE has symbols that indicate general melodic 549 + shapes over sung text; and there is evidence that Ancient 550 + Chinese musicians used solmization systems (in which 551 + pitches of the scale are assigned syllables, as in the solfège 552 + method in Western music) as early as the fifth century BCE 553 + and developed tablature notation around the sixth or seventh 554 + century CE. What we now recognize as modern Western 555 + notation developed out of medieval neumatic notation that 556 + initially suggested only melodic contours corresponding to a 557 + series of sung syllables rather than specific pitches or 558 + rhythms. This neumatic notation emerged in Western Europe 559 + in the ninth century CE and likely had origins in the Byzantine 560 + Empire. The gradual emergence of conventional Western 561 + musical notation—with its increasingly specific rhythms and 562 + pitches—took place over several centuries. Its dissemination 563 + and standardization were strongly intertwined with the 564 + emergence of the printing press, the attendant commercial 565 + sphere of music publishing, and the extractive and 566 + expansionist processes of Western colonialism and 567 + imperialism.8 568 + But standardization, discursive power, and 569 + geographic diffusion over time does not mean that what is 570 + now recognized as Western musical notation became 571 + universal, nor should we accept uncritically the traditional 572 + 573 + 10 Introduction 574 + narratives claiming that musical notation has become more 575 + detailed and prescriptive, and thus improved, over time.9 An 576 + astounding variety of notation systems based in solmization, 577 + neumatic chant, or instrumental tablature have been in use 578 + across Asia since the earliest ancient cultures. In early 579 + modern Europe, the guidelines to improvisation found in 580 + figured bass notation and partimento composition required 581 + considerable know-how beyond the specifications in the 582 + score. Moreover, since the development of the modern 583 + music industry in the early part of the twentieth century, a 584 + wide range of musical notations—from detailed to 585 + shorthand—have functioned harmoniously alongside one 586 + another. 587 + In fact, what appeared so radically “indeterminate” 588 + for avant-garde composers during the 1950s was 589 + commonplace for a significant number of musicians outside 590 + the world of classical music. Much modern musical notation 591 + is often quite skeletal, either giving performers considerable 592 + freedoms or simply relying on their well-developed tacit 593 + knowledge and idiomatic performance practices. This 594 + characterization includes the use of lead sheets in jazz, 595 + chord charts in popular music, and certain forms of tablature 596 + (fig. 0.1). Depending on varying priorities for performance, 597 + each system indicates different elements, whether chord 598 + names, numbers that outline the harmonic voicing, notation 599 + of key rhythmic patterns, or, in the case of tablature, the 600 + physical position of the fingers. 601 + Note as well that whereas chord charts and lead 602 + sheets are notation systems that have the weight of 603 + publishing industries behind them, the Nashville Number 604 + System (see fig. 0.1, bottom left) is one example of the ways 605 + musicians themselves, including those from a multitude of 606 + cultural traditions, make all manner of informal notations for 607 + their own use. Musicians in any number of traditions 608 + worldwide jot down basic chord charts, lyric sheets, and 609 + production notes; they number frets, develop homemade 610 + tablatures, and fill notebooks and smartphones with 611 + 612 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 11 613 + Fig. 0.1a–d Four “indeterminate” notations. Left to right: (a) Chord chart 614 + notation for guitar; (b) Henry Purcell, “Dido’s Lament” from Dido and 615 + Aeneas in figured bass notation, ca. 1968; (c) Hymn tune for the text 616 + “Come Thou Fount of Every Blessing” (1758) by Robert Robinson in 617 + Nashville number system notation, nineteenth century; and (d) Thelonious 618 + Monk, Off Minor in lead sheet notation, 1947. © 1947 (Renewed) by 619 + Embassy Music Corporation (BMI), International Copyright Secured. All 620 + Rights Reserved, Reprinted by permission of Hal Leonard LLC ©; Courtesy of 621 + Jonathan K. Riggs. 622 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/001/ 623 + 624 + 625 + 626 + 627 + 12 Introduction 628 + annotations about settings for buttons, knobs, and sliders on 629 + electronic instruments. In all instances, written aids, social 630 + conventions, memory, and oral tradition play a role in the 631 + production of the musical result. 632 + By contrast, the musicians and artists featured in 633 + several chapters of The Scores Project—namely David 634 + Tudor, John Cage, Morton Feldman, Sylvano Bussotti, 635 + Benjamin Patterson, and La Monte Young—were all trained 636 + in the comparatively rigid twentieth-century practice of 637 + classical music performance that had its origins in a 638 + nineteenth-century European concept of the musical work. 639 + Examining this tradition, the philosopher Lydia Goehr has 640 + elaborated on the contours of the “work concept,” in which a 641 + score determines all the notes in a composition and remains 642 + a regulative ideal toward which each performance aspires.10 643 + Historically, the work concept required (1) a strong author- 644 + function for composers (akin to the auteur model in cinema); 645 + (2) a highly conventionalized notation system; and (3) a 646 + norm-bound discipline of musical performance. By 647 + midcentury, the world of classical music, with its cultural 648 + prestige rising, had all three in spades. 649 + It was within this conservative musical context that 650 + Cage and his circle dissented.11 In doing so, they followed 651 + the lead of an earlier generation of avant-gardists. The Italian 652 + Futurist Luigi Russolo, in his manifesto L’arte dei Rumori 653 + (1913; The Art of Noises), had sharply criticized the classical 654 + music tradition as “dripping with boredom stemming from 655 + familiarity,” while venerating industrial noise as worthy of 656 + aesthetic appreciation.12 Russolo also devised an early form 657 + of graphic notation for a work titled Risveglio di una Città 658 + (1914; Awakening of a City) that featured glissandi over 659 + unspecified pitches that were to be played on intonarumori, 660 + his custom-built mechanical noisemakers (fig. 0.2).13 661 + Noisy and dissonant music had become a trend early 662 + in the twentieth century, often inspiring unconventional or 663 + surprisingly complex notations. In the United States, Charles 664 + Ives and Leo Ornstein had been pioneers in the use of 665 + 666 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 13 667 + Fig. 0.2 Luigi Russolo (Italian, 1855–1947). Risveglio di una Cittá 668 + (Awakening of a City). From Lacerba 2, no. 5 (1914): 72. Getty Research 669 + Institute, Jean Brown Collection, item 86-S1483. 670 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/002/ 671 + 672 + 673 + 674 + 675 + 14 Introduction 676 + dissonance, tone clusters, and polyrhythms. At the center of 677 + an American scene of so-called ultra-modernists in the 678 + 1920s, Henry Cowell devised customized notations for tone 679 + clusters (1917), complex rhythms (1917), and strumming 680 + inside the piano (1925), all key elements of his novel 681 + approach to composition, which he published in his 682 + influential compendium New Musical Resources (1930).14 683 + During the 1920s and ’30s, Edgard Varèse achieved fame for 684 + his bracing and aggressive compositions that foregrounded 685 + percussion, timbre, and the use of a siren in forms of what he 686 + described as “organized sound.”15 Russolo, Cowell, and 687 + Varèse, along with Arnold Schoenberg (with whom Cage 688 + studied from 1935 to 1936), would prove to be significant 689 + musical influences on Cage.16 690 + An expanded musical palette of noise and sound, an 691 + interest in unusual notations, a sense that advanced art 692 + ought to be challenging to aesthetic norms, and (for Cowell, 693 + Varèse, and many others) Asian and other non-Western 694 + influences as exoticized correctives to a Euro-Western 695 + status quo: these represented some of the values and 696 + priorities of the early twentieth-century musical avant- 697 + garde. One could argue that in their postwar work Cage and 698 + his cohort managed to translate these priorities into a 699 + pronounced level of philosophical self-consciousness, one 700 + they began to convey to an increasingly large public 701 + audience during the 1950s and ’60s through performances, 702 + print media, teaching, recordings, and television broadcasts. 703 + Cage’s iconoclastic modernism, exemplified not only by his 704 + use of indeterminate notation but also by his novel embrace 705 + of chance procedures derived from the I Ching, was also 706 + multidisciplinary from the start; the choreographer Merce 707 + Cunningham, who began collaborating with Cage in the 708 + early 1940s, would become his touring partner throughout 709 + the 1950s and ’60s. 710 + And yet Cage’s own relationship to his fellow 711 + practitioners of indeterminacy and experimental notation 712 + was particularly complex. His dramatic popularization of this 713 + 714 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 15 715 + tradition of experimentalism did not, for example, enable the 716 + composer to break entirely with conservative elements of 717 + the historical and European past. George E. Lewis has 718 + detailed the ways Cage’s radicalism remained bound to a 719 + “Eurological” view of indeterminacy.17 This was particularly 720 + evident in Cage’s distaste for jazz and abstract 721 + expressionism, which the composer considered to be 722 + corrupted by intuition and ego-driven conceptions of 723 + freedom.18 In doing so, Cage, along with Feldman and 724 + Tudor, held fast to a fairly orthodox version of modernism 725 + insofar as their work self-consciously rejected mainstream 726 + and Black- and Latinx-coded genres such as jazz and popular 727 + music.19 This categorical disavowal of popular genres was, 728 + moreover, not merely stylistic. Racial segregation of their 729 + artistic circles was a reality: the institutions of classical 730 + music in the 1950s were almost entirely white. In fact, 731 + Patterson, a rare Black artist in Cage’s circle of the early 732 + 1960s, was denied employment as an orchestral musician in 733 + the late 1950s because of his race.20 At the level of genre, 734 + the actual segregation of audiences and performers scaled 735 + upward to discursive and social norms as well; Ornette 736 + Coleman remarked that his experiments involving novel 737 + combinations of notation and improvisation failed to 738 + dislodge the persistent sense that classical music was 739 + assumed to be white whereas jazz was coded as Black.21 740 + While Cage openly expressed antipathy toward jazz, 741 + other modernists of the period idealized and prized its 742 + powers, albeit in ways that are complex in their own right. 743 + Certainly among Black artists themselves, the emergence of 744 + jazz was understood as integral to the literature and art of the 745 + Harlem Renaissance. Among white artists in Europe, 746 + however, ambivalent and fetishistic attachment to Black 747 + culture was widespread during the 1910s and ’20s, and it is 748 + explicit in the work of composers such as Claude Debussy, 749 + Maurice Ravel, and Darius Milhaud, and in modernist avant- 750 + garde movements including Futurism, cubism, sound poetry, 751 + and Surrealism.22 Among the composers engaging with 752 + 753 + 16 Introduction 754 + experimental scores in the 1950s, Earle Brown had a 755 + pronounced interest in improvisation that stemmed from his 756 + background in jazz and popular music.23 Brown’s iconic 757 + experimental score, December 1952 (1952), widely credited 758 + as an early exemplar of graphic notation, is notoriously 759 + indeterminate: It has no bar lines or axis indicating the 760 + passage of time, and it can be read with the score positioned 761 + in any direction (fig. 0.3). His open-form scores, many of 762 + which accommodated improvisation, were inspired not only 763 + by his experience with jazz but also by abstract expressionist 764 + painting, the mobile sculptures of Alexander Calder, and the 765 + mathematical tools of Joseph Schillinger’s system of 766 + musical composition. 767 + Amid these variously conflictual and contradictory 768 + attitudes toward improvisation, Lewis underscores a simple 769 + historical fact: modernist engagements with indeterminacy 770 + already had a strong track record among Black musicians 771 + well before 1960, even if this antecedent was rarely 772 + acknowledged—and was, moreover, often maligned—by 773 + Cage himself. Blues People (1963) by Amiri Baraka (then 774 + known as LeRoi Jones) offers a rich account of bebop, an 775 + Afro-modernist revolution in musical form developed 776 + throughout the 1940s and ’50s by Black musicians such as 777 + Charlie Parker, Thelonious Monk, and Dizzy Gillespie.24 778 + Bebop musicians, in fracturing and redeveloping many of the 779 + entertainment conventions of the swing era of jazz, shared 780 + the Euro-modernist desire to use dissonance, 781 + experimentation, and indeterminacy in ways that “posed 782 + potent challenges to Western notions of structure, form, and 783 + expression.”25 Bebop was distinct, however, not only for its 784 + weave of harmonically complex lead sheets and intricate 785 + improvisations but also for its associations with a resistant 786 + social mission that sought to contest racist prejudices and 787 + empower Black artists toward social and economic 788 + advancement. Cage’s near-opposite commitment, in the 789 + 1950s, to performative “discipline” (rather than 790 + improvisation) was likewise indifferent to Afro-modernist 791 + 792 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 17 793 + Fig. 0.3 Earle Brown (American, 1926–2002). Score for December 1952. 794 + From Folio and 4 Systems, 1952. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor 795 + Papers, 980039, box 170, folder 1. Earle Brown Estate. 796 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/301/ 797 + 798 + 799 + 800 + 801 + 18 Introduction 802 + social causes. As someone who was, in his own words, no 803 + fan of social protest, Cage tended to associate himself with a 804 + quiescent anarchic libertarianism. And by prioritizing the 805 + whiteness of “classical” composition alongside an 806 + exoticized fascination with Asian philosophy and Chinese 807 + calligraphy, he placed exceptional value on the design and 808 + script of printed scores, while casting the improvisational 809 + “freedoms” of Afro-modernist jazz as a disavowed other. 810 + Yet, across the three opening chapters of The Scores 811 + Project, readers will find that the distinctions between 812 + improvisation and indeterminacy, or between personal 813 + expression and formalist discipline, overlap a great deal 814 + when examining—and listening to—Tudor’s practice at a 815 + granular level. A score like Feldman’s Intersection 3 (1953), 816 + as introduced by Gallope in chapter 1, is formalist by design 817 + and in visual appearance, but it was intuitively written and is 818 + often frenetic, even jarring, in its acoustic effect, redolent of 819 + the French poet and theater director Antonin Artaud’s 820 + celebration of extreme physicality in performance. Cage’s 821 + visually stunning compendium of notations in his Concert for 822 + Piano and Orchestra (1958), discussed by Gallope and 823 + Nancy Perloff in chapter 2, was made according to the 824 + careful ego-attenuating formalism of chance procedures; 825 + however, Tudor’s realizations, similarly evoking Artaud in 826 + their moments of menacing atonality and abstraction, reveal 827 + intriguing personal choices and expressive flair more familiar 828 + to nineteenth-century ideals of pianistic virtuosity. Finally, 829 + Bussotti’s expressivist and highly calligraphic score for Five 830 + Piano Pieces for David Tudor (1959), discussed by Gallope in 831 + chapter 3, appears visually gestural but explicitly blurs the 832 + line between improvisation and indeterminacy altogether, 833 + leaving its performer in a position to construct a realization in 834 + a more careful and formalist Cagean manner. 835 + In the 1960s and ’70s, techniques and procedures 836 + involving indeterminacy, improvisation, iterability, and 837 + chance—all variously associated with experimental scores— 838 + were mixed, matched, and reworked in innumerable ways by 839 + 840 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 19 841 + an ever-broadening circle of musicians and artists. Two 842 + compendia published during the 1960s, La Monte Young and 843 + Jackson Mac Low’s An Anthology of Chance Operations 844 + (1962–63) and Cage and Alison Knowles’s Notations 845 + (1969), along with the influential journal Source: Music of 846 + the Avant-Garde (1967–73), helped draw attention to this 847 + range of work as it developed throughout the decade.26 In 848 + the wake of Tudor’s many legendary performances of the 849 + 1950s, Neo-Dada artists including George Brecht, Philip 850 + Corner, Dick Higgins, Toshi Ichiyanagi, Terry Jennings, Mac 851 + Low, Pauline Oliveros, and Young wrote experimental scores 852 + for him as a pianist—many featuring only text—as if Tudor 853 + were a medium for experimentation in and of himself. Soon 854 + after, Tudor’s work evolved away from realizations at the 855 + piano and toward improvisation and live electronics at a time 856 + of exceptionally high touring activity with Cage and the 857 + Merce Cunningham Dance Company in the 1960s and 858 + ’70s.27 859 + During the 1960s, score experimentation among 860 + musicians continued apace without Tudor. The inventive 861 + linear design of Cornelius Cardew’s Treatise (1963–67) 862 + became famous in its own right, in part for being highly 863 + indeterminate for performers. Cathy Berberian, renowned as 864 + a singer with exceptional abilities in avant-garde music, 865 + wrote a work of graphic notation exploring extended vocal 866 + techniques titled Stripsody (1966). Also in 1960s and ’70s, 867 + Pauline Oliveros developed orally transmitted guidelines for 868 + communal experiences of deep listening and sonic 869 + meditation and published them as “prose instructions or 870 + recipes.”28 Concurrently, the pioneering sound artist 871 + Maryanne Amacher created experimental and conceptual 872 + scores that explored the affordances of telephones and long- 873 + distance media.29 And a number of Black musicians who 874 + continued to challenge the binary division between Western 875 + classical composition and improvised jazz forged their own 876 + experimental notations. Anthony Braxton, straddling the 877 + divide between composition and improvisation, 878 + 879 + 20 Introduction 880 + experimented with graphic scores beginning in the 1970s. 881 + The trumpeter Wadada Leo Smith, a member of the 882 + Association for the Advancement of Creative Musicians, has 883 + more recently developed an exceptionally colorful and 884 + imaginative notational language imbued with personal 885 + cosmology called Ankhrasmation, examples of which have 886 + been exhibited as art (fig. 0.4). 887 + 888 + 889 + Scoring Intermedia 890 + 891 + It would be misleading, of course, to suggest that the 892 + postwar fascination with experimental scores was owed 893 + entirely to the work of musicians. In the first decades of the 894 + twentieth century, artists, poets, and performers associated 895 + with the avant-garde movements of Futurism, Dada, and 896 + Surrealism originating in Europe crafted their own 897 + experimental notations, many of which made only glancing 898 + reference to musical traditions. These artists made novel use 899 + of score-like forms: instructions, explanatory notes, 900 + diagrams, poetry intended for performance, and even 901 + invitations directed at potential participants among 902 + unsuspecting publics. Many of these innovations would 903 + prove influential to postwar developments in avant-garde 904 + performance art, conceptualism, and intermedia. 905 + Dada notations were emblematic and perhaps the 906 + most notorious. Dada artists, internationally networked 907 + across the cities of Zürich, Cologne, Hanover, Berlin, Paris, 908 + and New York (many as émigrés), experimented widely 909 + across the domains of collage, graphics, poetry, and 910 + sculpture. Their aesthetic strategies aimed to dethrone the 911 + powers of reason, disrupt the authority of individual 912 + expression, and stage a mockery of bourgeois cultural 913 + values.30 Crucially, their creative protests against the 914 + “achievements” of modernism unfolded against the 915 + backdrop of World War I. 916 + Some Dada experiments were explicitly score-like: 917 + Marcel Duchamp’s Erratum Musical (1913) is a musical 918 + 919 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 21 920 + Fig. 0.4 Wadada Leo Smith (American, b. 1941). The Dream, a panel from 921 + Kosmic Music (The Ankhrasmation Symbolic Language Art-Score), 2008, 922 + acrylic and ink on paper. Wadada Leo Smith, www.wadadaleosmith.com. 923 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/004/ 924 + 925 + 926 + 927 + 928 + 22 Introduction 929 + composition for three voices ordered by individual notes that 930 + were printed on cards and then pulled at random from a hat. 931 + Tristan Tzara, Richard Hulsenbeck, and Marcel Janco’s 932 + L’amiral cherche une maison à louer (1916; The admiral looks 933 + for a house to rent) is a collage-like “simultaneous poem” 934 + composed in orchestral fashion for three clashing voices. 935 + Tzara’s much simpler To Make a Dadaist Poem (1920) 936 + instructs the reader to write a poem by stringing together 937 + individual words cut out of a newspaper and drawn 938 + sequentially from a bag. These Dada scores questioned, if 939 + not eschewed outright, the telos of a finished object. 940 + Instead, they elicited audience participation, produced 941 + variations through iteration, and decentered subjectivity in 942 + their provocative centering of chance operations. 943 + Other Dada artists used score-like notations to direct 944 + participants to a written prototype or conceptual outline that 945 + stood as an adjunct to artworks executed as physical 946 + objects. Prominent examples include Duchamp’s notorious 947 + readymades (arrived at in 1913) and his immense and 948 + perplexing The Large Glass (1915–23)—a nine-foot-tall 949 + window-like structure straddling the boundary between 950 + painting and sculpture—whose related notes and sketches 951 + Duchamp published in 1934 as The Green Box.31 At a 952 + remove from the construction of actual three-dimensional 953 + objects, fellow Dadaists Marius de Zayas and Francis Picabia 954 + pioneered the use of diagrammatic machine drawings, or 955 + “mechanomorphs,” that articulated skeletal forms and 956 + prototypes more fanciful than realistic. Soon after, affiliates 957 + of the Bureau of Surrealist Research in Paris, including André 958 + Breton and Artaud, prepared written instructions on 959 + gatheing participants for dream séances at which audiences 960 + were inspired to reconsider the perceptual frames of 961 + everyday experience. 962 + Sound poetry, devised in the years leading up to 963 + World War I, understood the poetic page as a format that 964 + already functioned similarly to a musical score. Poems 965 + composed by Russian Futurists tried to forge a 966 + 967 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 23 968 + “transrational” language of unconscious expression (or 969 + zaum) that could overcome linguistic and national obstacles. 970 + Italian Futurists, for their part, made use of the sounds of the 971 + machine age and the panicked drama of war with variously 972 + incomprehensible or illogical constructions.32 Following the 973 + lead of the Futurists, a number of Dada sound poets explored 974 + novelties in graphic design to lend the recitation of words a 975 + pronounced affective charge. Often published in 976 + typographically inventive layouts, their poems circulated 977 + internationally via self-published magazines such as Dada, 978 + Merz, and 291. Prefiguring the postwar flowering of 979 + concrete poetry, these publications radicalized the visually 980 + inventive design of works such as Stéphane Mallarmé’s Un 981 + coup de dés jamais n’abolira le hasard (1897; A throw of the 982 + dice will never abolish chance) and Guillaume Apollinaire’s 983 + Calligrammes (1913–16).33 In live performance, recitations 984 + of sound poetry could shift back and forth between semi- 985 + intelligible oration and raw, shockingly abstract noise as they 986 + channeled a mix of mystical and primitivist fantasies, thus 987 + establishing a precedent for later avant-gardists’ 988 + appropriative relationship to African and other non-Western 989 + arts and cultures.34 Hugo Ball’s otherworldly incantations 990 + performed at the Cabaret Voltaire in Zürich in 1916 and Kurt 991 + Schwitters’s typographic score for Ursonate (1922–32), 992 + which prescribes tongue-twisting vocalizations, are among 993 + the best-known examples (figs. 0.5, 0.6).35 Refusing 994 + traditional interpretive practices, these poems challenge the 995 + reader’s silence while seeming to invite, if not demand, some 996 + kind of commitment to performance. 997 + After the dissolution of Dada in the early 1920s and 998 + the subsequent rise and diffusion of Surrealism 999 + internationally, a rural campus established in 1933 about 1000 + eighteen miles east of Asheville, North Carolina, came to 1001 + play an important role in the transmission of intermedia 1002 + experimentation to postwar avant-gardes across the United 1003 + States.36 It was Black Mountain College, whose faculty 1004 + members, most famously among them the European 1005 + 1006 + 24 Introduction 1007 + Fig. 0.5 Hugo Ball performing Karawane at the Cabaret Voltaire, Zürich, 1008 + 1916. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 1, folder 1009 + 52. 1010 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/005/ 1011 + 1012 + 1013 + 1014 + 1015 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 25 1016 + Fig. 0.6 Kurt Schwitters (German, 1887–1948). Ursonate, 1922–32. 1017 + From Merz, no. 24 (1932): 157. Getty Research Institute, item 85-S179. 1018 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/006/ 1019 + 1020 + 1021 + 1022 + 1023 + 26 Introduction 1024 + émigrés Josef and Anni Albers, brought with them creative 1025 + practices initially developed at the innovative and highly 1026 + influential German Bauhaus (1913–33). In a marked 1027 + departure from traditional art pedagogy focused on faithful 1028 + reproduction and the acquisition of virtuosic skills, the 1029 + Alberses’ modernist pedagogy fused the Bauhaus’s 1030 + integrative approach to form and materials with a bespoke 1031 + curriculum based in the progressive educational philosophy 1032 + of John Dewey, which emphasized learning by doing in ways 1033 + that encouraged students’ individual independence, inquiry, 1034 + and creativity. As a means of balancing rigor and creative 1035 + experimentation, the Alberses’ pedagogy made use of 1036 + abstract geometric schema to examine and play with basic 1037 + design principles and the elemental laws of form, inculcating 1038 + in students a way of seeing and working that would translate 1039 + across creative disciplines. As Josef Albers explained: 1040 + 1041 + We should discover for instance that music, too, has 1042 + to do with proportion and the values of line and 1043 + volume; also that literature can be static and 1044 + dynamic, and can have staccatos and crescendos, 1045 + and poems can have color; that the play on the stage 1046 + has not only dramatic climax but also an optical and 1047 + an acoustical one; that there are musical qualities in 1048 + all art—that every art work is built (i.e., composed), 1049 + has order, consciously or unconsciously.37 1050 + 1051 + This approach echoed the Bauhaus foundation 1052 + courses developed by Paul Klee and Wassily Kandinsky, a 1053 + curriculum further transmitted through midcentury English 1054 + translations of Klee’s Pedagogical Sketchbook (1925/1953) 1055 + and Kandinsky’s Point and Line to Plane (1926/1947), both 1056 + of which distilled the creative process into a series of score- 1057 + like explanatory diagrams.38 From Klee’s notion of form as a 1058 + dynamic process (Werden, or becoming) that originates with 1059 + a “line on a walk,” to Kandinsky’s visual translations of 1060 + excerpts from music, dance, and architecture into 1061 + concatenations of dots and arabesques, their influential 1062 + 1063 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 27 1064 + theories of form imagined distinct artistic disciplines 1065 + communicating with one another via the elemental graphic 1066 + language of notation.39 1067 + In the 1940s and ’50s, Black Mountain College 1068 + became a venue for experimental intermedia and Dada 1069 + revivalism. Josef Albers launched a summer program there 1070 + in 1944 that welcomed a diverse array of guest artists, 1071 + writers, composers, and designers. A soon-to-be-famous 1072 + generation of radical pedagogues arrived in 1948, including 1073 + Cage, Merce Cunningham, Willem and Elaine de Kooning, R. 1074 + Buckminster Fuller, and Louise and Richard Lippold. That 1075 + summer, Cage, Cunningham, Fuller, and Elaine de Kooning 1076 + staged a polarizing performance of proto-Dada works by Erik 1077 + Satie, namely his one-act play The Ruse of the Medusa 1078 + (1913), and Cage delivered lectures that explicitly opposed 1079 + the Germanic attachments to formal and aesthetic 1080 + organicism so often associated with Ludwig van Beethoven. 1081 + Though the musical notation used in Satie’s works was 1082 + largely conventional and the Chinese influence of chance 1083 + procedures (derived from the I Ching) was not yet a part of 1084 + Cage’s or Cunningham’s vocabularies, the cross-disciplinary 1085 + collaboration rejected the intellectual frameworks of 1086 + Hegelian oppositions and organic unities in favor of 1087 + something more absurdist and depersonalized—evocative of 1088 + the Dada experimentation that had largely fallen out of 1089 + fashion. 1090 + Meanwhile, in France, the writer, performer, and 1091 + Surrealist affiliate Antonin Artaud had been developing an 1092 + avant-garde approach to performance in Paris throughout 1093 + the 1920s and ’30s. His book of essays in performance 1094 + theory, Le Théâtre et son double (1938; The Theater and Its 1095 + Double [1958]), outlined a “Theater of Cruelty” that 1096 + proposed to tear through the usual communicative media of 1097 + language and representation using the blunt tool of shock, 1098 + mobilized to dissolve the boundary between art and life and 1099 + thereby dismantle the audience’s trusted capacities of 1100 + perception.40 Though largely unknown in the United States 1101 + 1102 + 28 Introduction 1103 + in his time, Artaud’s influence over the 1960s avant-garde 1104 + would become considerable. In advocating dramatic works 1105 + that deemphasized dialogue, Artaud argued that the 1106 + essential building blocks of theater were not the words of a 1107 + text but rather the physical instructions (staging, lighting, 1108 + blocking, costuming) for performers to enact. In this manner, 1109 + the Theater of Cruelty outlined a score-like precedent for the 1110 + emergence of nonnarrative, materially driven performance 1111 + art. 1112 + The carnality of Artaud’s aesthetic impacted 1113 + musicians with equal power. An unhinged reading Artaud 1114 + delivered in 1947 caught the attention of the French 1115 + composer Pierre Boulez, who would proclaim a year later, 1116 + when he published his brutally noisy Second Sonata (1948), 1117 + that “music should be collective hysteria and magic, 1118 + violently modern—along the lines of Antonin Artaud.”41 1119 + During the summer of 1949 in Paris, Cage met Boulez and 1120 + was electrified and impressed by the extreme dissonance of 1121 + the Second Sonata. Through Boulez, he became acquainted 1122 + with Artaud’s work. The subsequent winter, Cage 1123 + approached Tudor and asked the pianist if he could handle 1124 + the American premiere of Boulez’s sonata. In preparing the 1125 + fiendishly difficult score for a premiere in December of 1950, 1126 + Tudor in turn learned of Artaud’s importance to Boulez and 1127 + taught himself French in order to read Artaud’s writings.42 1128 + By 1951, Tudor had met and fallen in love with the poet and 1129 + year-round Black Mountain faculty member M. C. Richards, 1130 + and he shared with her typescripts of Artaud’s work. That 1131 + fall, Cage, Tudor, and Richards were all reading Artaud, and 1132 + Cage’s music shifted dramatically from relatively consonant 1133 + Satie-like meditations into a brutal atonality dictated by 1134 + chance procedures.43 Meanwhile, Richards herself began 1135 + work on an English translation of Artaud’s The Theater and 1136 + Its Double. 1137 + Amid recurring conversations about Artaud, Cage 1138 + returned to Black Mountain in the summer of 1952 with 1139 + Cunningham, Tudor, and Richards.44 Having that spring 1140 + 1141 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 29 1142 + written the score for an experimental theater piece, Water 1143 + Music (1952), Cage sketched (reportedly in a single 1144 + afternoon) the score for what is now recognized as the first 1145 + “happening.” What came to be known as Theater Piece No. 1146 + 1 (1952) was conceived by Cage as a series of time brackets 1147 + to be filled by the undetermined activities of its participants: 1148 + Tudor, Cunningham, Richards, the poet Charles Olson, and 1149 + the artist Robert Rauschenberg. Though a culture of 1150 + intermedia collaboration was already established at Black 1151 + Mountain, Theater Piece No. 1 broke new ground in terms of 1152 + its disordered, highly indeterminate, and unrehearsed, 1153 + collage-like atmosphere.45 The audience was small (fewer 1154 + than fifty people), but the event became legendary: It 1155 + disoriented its audience by providing an aleatoric experience 1156 + that combined dance, recorded music, spoken poetry, 1157 + projected images, and Rauschenberg’s White Paintings 1158 + (1951) suspended from the ceiling.46 Its intermixing of art 1159 + forms addressed to the ears and the eyes sought to eliminate 1160 + the boundaries between the sonic and the visual. Later that 1161 + summer, in Woodstock, New York, Tudor premiered Cage’s 1162 + famous silent piece, 4′33″ (1952), a union of indeterminate 1163 + notation and the readymade that likewise pointed to the 1164 + ways in which the performance of music contains its own 1165 + sense of theatricality. 1166 + Though Theater Piece No. 1 and 4′33″ were 1167 + important antecedents for the rise of so-called Neo-Dada 1168 + after 1960, the renewed interest in Dada’s spirit of negation 1169 + and the embrace of nontraditional materials had other 1170 + advocates in the years after the movement’s initial 1171 + flourishing from 1916 to 1924.47 In 1936, Alfred H. Barr of 1172 + the Museum of Modern Art curated the exhibition Fantastic 1173 + Art, Dada, Surrealism, whose exhibition catalog featured a 1174 + short essay on Dada that remained one of very few English- 1175 + language sources on the movement until the late 1940s. By 1176 + then, the abstract expressionist Robert Motherwell, also a 1177 + member of the summer faculty at Black Mountain, had 1178 + begun to independently investigate Dada as an antecedent 1179 + 1180 + 30 Introduction 1181 + to the better-known work of the Surrealists.48 His research 1182 + culminated in the first retrospective canonization of Dada as 1183 + a movement, The Dada Painters and Poets (1951), a 1184 + publication of primary sources that revitalized interest in 1185 + Dada in the postwar period. Two years later, a Dada 1186 + exhibition organized at New York’s Sidney Janis Gallery by 1187 + Marcel Duchamp himself further contributed to Dada’s 1188 + renewed notoriety.49 Broadly speaking, among American 1189 + avant-gardes of the postwar period, Dada’s anti-illusionistic, 1190 + anti-egoic approaches to collage, chance, and the 1191 + readymade held a unique and powerful appeal by 1192 + comparison with the automatism and dream imagery of 1193 + Surrealism, which remained attached to the dictates of the 1194 + unconscious ego and the aesthetics of figurative 1195 + representation in ways that facilitated its vulgar 1196 + popularization and commercialization, especially in the U.S. 1197 + context.50 1198 + Cage’s aforementioned course in experimental 1199 + composition at the New School, which took place from 1956 1200 + through 1959, carved out an inspiring space for a new 1201 + generation of visual and performing artists to begin 1202 + composing experimental scores. He introduced Black 1203 + Mountain–inspired pedagogy and the negative aesthetics of 1204 + the avant-garde to a cohort of emerging figures—including 1205 + George Brecht, Al Hansen, Dick Higgins, and Allan Kaprow, 1206 + among others—who would go on to become the 1207 + protagonists of happenings and Fluxus.51 Many of Cage’s 1208 + best-known students came to the course from nonmusical 1209 + backgrounds and were interested in developing general 1210 + methods for experimental composition beyond the domain 1211 + of music. In response to Cage’s assignments, they 1212 + composed graphic and text-based scores and collectively 1213 + performed them using everyday materials and dime-store 1214 + objects, many of which were purchased on the way to class. 1215 + Unburdened by traditional approaches to music theory and 1216 + composition, the workshop-like environment encouraged in 1217 + its participants a generative, boundary-expanding 1218 + 1219 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 31 1220 + disposition and collaborative spirit. The artists nurtured 1221 + there came to prize a generous yet rigorous attitude toward 1222 + shared experimentation, an appreciation of the aesthetic 1223 + value of everyday objects and gestures, a heightened 1224 + sensitivity to consciousness rooted in a loose admiration of 1225 + Zen philosophy, and a commitment to concrete experience. 1226 + This sensibility, imparted to a range of practices in the 1227 + decade to come, opposed what leading Fluxus organizer 1228 + George Maciunas called the “artificial abstraction of 1229 + illusionism” characteristic of classical theater and fine 1230 + arts.52 1231 + As the activities of Cage’s class branched out into 1232 + numerous independent artistic practices and idioms, 1233 + experimental scores became an essential tool for aesthetic 1234 + innovation after modernism. Artists associated with 1235 + happenings and Fluxus crafted compositions using a variety 1236 + of graphic languages, including charts and tables, freely 1237 + drawn diagrams, and seemingly simple text-based directives 1238 + written in an imperative tone. In their view, the score was an 1239 + ideal format for time-based, process-oriented, and/or 1240 + interactive art forms. In its most basic sense, the score 1241 + orders and organizes actions and events in time; more simply 1242 + still, it can be used to conceptually frame and thus draw 1243 + attention to phenomena already unfolding in everyday life. 1244 + In this new generation of avant-garde scores, the 1245 + traditional linkages between composer, notation, performer, 1246 + sound, and listener were reconfigured as a perpetually 1247 + generative ontology of iterative forms. A compelling diagram 1248 + drawn by Brecht in one of his notebooks from Cage’s class 1249 + lays out these possible relations in the form of a star-shaped 1250 + network (fig. 0.7). Here, the key elements of a musical 1251 + performance are interwoven into a complex, nonhierarchical 1252 + matrix that facilitates multidimensional experience and 1253 + awareness. Crucially, among other notes, sketches, and 1254 + half-completed compositions that appear in Brecht’s 1255 + notebooks of the time, this diagram does not faithfully refer 1256 + to Cage’s particular ideas. In fact, knowledge transmission 1257 + 1258 + 32 Introduction 1259 + in Cage’s classroom was not one-way. Even as he imparted 1260 + emerging developments in composition to his students, he 1261 + solicited feedback from them on his own works in progress 1262 + and as he informed them about ongoing debates among his 1263 + peers, fostering an environment of dynamic interchange.53 1264 + The text-based compositions in gnomic prose 1265 + pioneered by Brecht, Young, and Yoko Ono around 1960 1266 + would become the most widespread genre of notation 1267 + among Fluxus artists in particular.54 Such pieces were 1268 + known after Brecht’s appellation as “event scores,” a term 1269 + that acknowledged their utility akin to musical notation but 1270 + in an expanded sense—specifically embracing materials 1271 + beyond sound. Complementing Brecht’s, Young’s, and 1272 + Ono’s text-based event scores were other visually divergent 1273 + approaches, such as the wonkily vectored diagrams of 1274 + Higgins’s Graphis series, begun in 1958, and Maciunas’s 1275 + parodically rigorous charts and tables. The impact of this 1276 + work was further reinforced by the activities of the far-flung 1277 + network of itinerant Fluxus artists who disseminated their 1278 + score-based works via touring performances and direct 1279 + mailings beginning in 1962. As a performer, Tudor continued 1280 + to play a central role in the dissemination of these notational 1281 + experiments throughout this early period, receiving dozens 1282 + of text-based scores written and/or dedicated to him from 1283 + composers and artists around the world. Cage and Tudor 1284 + expanded their reach outside the United States and provoked 1285 + the avant-garde art and music ecologies of various 1286 + international locales by giving concerts and lectures across 1287 + Europe beginning in the late 1950s. In 1962 they continued 1288 + this work on a trip to Japan that was arranged with the help 1289 + of composer Toshi Ichiyanagi. In this rapidly evolving culture 1290 + of the event score, works were written for, dedicated to, and 1291 + sent to an intimate yet widely dispersed scene of knowing 1292 + avant-garde artists and performers. 1293 + It is crucial to note, however, that the radicalism of 1294 + experimental scores was not simply licensed by Cage’s 1295 + process-oriented radicalism; these artists drew on a much 1296 + 1297 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 33 1298 + Fig. 0.7 George Brecht (American, 1926–2008). Page of notes from John 1299 + Cage’s course in experimental composition, July 1959. From George Brecht 1300 + Notebooks, vol. 3, April–August 1959, ed. Dieter Daniels with 1301 + collaboration of Hermann Braun (Cologne: Walther König, 1991), 127. 1302 + Getty Research Institute, item 92-B17341. © 2022 Artists Rights Society 1303 + (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn. 1304 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/007/ 1305 + 1306 + 1307 + 1308 + 1309 + 34 Introduction 1310 + broader set of cultural influences in positioning the novelty 1311 + of their work. While the postwar avant-garde’s veneration of 1312 + the ephemeral, the ordinary, and the everyday staged a 1313 + critique of modernist autonomy, their works also often relied 1314 + on the unacknowledged cultural labor of those outside the 1315 + privileged sphere of the art world. Avant-garde 1316 + choreographers, for example, appropriated tropes from 1317 + Black dance—from minstrelsy to vaudeville.55 Motifs lifted 1318 + from folklore and popular culture were incorporated into 1319 + happenings and other performance art forms to access an 1320 + authentic sense of the “vernacular” via loosely primitivist 1321 + stagings of rituals that were then framed by an arguably 1322 + elitist sense of aesthetic self-consciousness. More broadly, 1323 + Blackness and Indigeneity were taken as fetishized 1324 + otherness through the bohemian appropriations of abstract 1325 + expressionism and Beat poetry, both of which were 1326 + influential to this generation of avant-garde artists. A 1327 + number of 1960s experimentalists—namely Young, Henry 1328 + Flynt, and John Cale—abandoned notation entirely in order 1329 + to investigate Afro-diasporic traditions, South Asian music 1330 + and philosophy, and other vernacular modes of 1331 + experimentation far outside the practice of Western classical 1332 + music. The proximity and relationships between different 1333 + racialized milieus of this moment—many of them disavowed 1334 + or unexpectedly intertwined—deserve greater scrutiny and 1335 + further scholarship.56 In the dense cultural geography of 1336 + New York’s SoHo neighborhood, for example, Maciunas’s 1337 + Fluxus headquarters at 359 Canal Street was situated mere 1338 + blocks from Ornette Coleman’s Artist House, a ground-floor 1339 + performance space at 131 Prince Street that Maciunas 1340 + helped to renovate. And among Higgins’s and Knowles’s 1341 + lesser-known collaborators was the Black jazz singer Jeanne 1342 + Lee, who set the works of numerous sound poets to music 1343 + and was herself featured in the premieres of Cage’s Renga 1344 + (1975–76) and Apartment House 1776 (1976).57 Readers 1345 + can experience Lee’s unique contributions in audio 1346 + 1347 + 1348 + 1349 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 35 1350 + recordings of her interpreting a Jackson Mac Low text score 1351 + alongside the poet in chapter 7. 1352 + The post-1960 experimental scores included in this 1353 + publication strike a balance between the textual and the 1354 + visual, and their interactive, multidimensional presentation 1355 + here enables us to appreciate the attention and care paid to 1356 + the materiality of their published formats. Benjamin 1357 + Patterson’s Paper Piece (1960), which premiered in Cologne 1358 + well before the official launch of Fluxus, is introduced in 1359 + chapter 4 by George E. Lewis. Cataloging the multitude of 1360 + sounds that Patterson discovered can be elicited from paper, 1361 + Lewis shows the visual artist to be a pioneer of an extended 1362 + technique for this unexpectedly musical material. The 1363 + democratic appeal of Paper Piece’s wit, deskilled 1364 + techniques, and spirit of curious discovery anticipates 1365 + affective qualities that would characterize many later Fluxus 1366 + event scores. Brecht’s Water Yam (1963), introduced by 1367 + Natilee Harren in chapter 6, is a nearly complete 1368 + compendium of his corpus of event scores, printed 1369 + individually on card stock and housed loosely in a box. 1370 + Among the first Fluxus publications designed and produced 1371 + by Maciunas, its unbound format offers endless possibilities 1372 + for exploring the fascinating interrelations between the 1373 + scores’ conceptual propositions and enactable gestures. 1374 + The dance notations of the choreographer and 1375 + filmmaker Yvonne Rainer, exemplified by her sketches for 1376 + We Shall Run (1963), provide a glimpse into the creative use 1377 + of scores by the postmodern dance community, particularly 1378 + affiliates of the Judson Dance Theater. As Julia Bryan- 1379 + Wilson explains in chapter 8, Rainer used line drawings she 1380 + called “people plans” to map the flow of bodies through 1381 + space, and she developed a personal vocabulary of textual 1382 + descriptions of dancerly and non-dancerly movements as a 1383 + memory aid for herself and to instruct other performers. The 1384 + terse, direct language with which Rainer outlines her 1385 + choreography—almost entirely free of specialized dance 1386 + terminology—bears similarities to the plainspoken, 1387 + 1388 + 36 Introduction 1389 + imperative tone of many text scores of the period. Such 1390 + unadorned language knowingly signaled her association 1391 + with the post-Cagean milieu and befitted the counter- 1392 + spectacular stance articulated in her powerful “No 1393 + Manifesto” of 1965, in which she said “no” to virtuosity, 1394 + seduction, and make-believe.58 And yet, because dance’s 1395 + instrument is the body, capable of innumerably varied, 1396 + precise articulations, Rainer’s scores are among the most 1397 + complex included in this publication, while also remaining 1398 + unable to stand alone as transmitters of the work. They are 1399 + more like personal records, adjunct to the oral transmission 1400 + and muscle memory of authorized répétiteurs through which 1401 + a dance conventionally travels, their charming idiosyncrasy 1402 + a far cry from Labanotation and its aspirations to 1403 + systematicity.59 Rainer’s diverse notations are of interest to 1404 + us here precisely because their skeletal nature highlights the 1405 + ineffable dimensions of embodied knowledge. By extension, 1406 + they point to the ways in which performance practices 1407 + persist, as Diana Taylor has argued, via ephemeral, 1408 + interpersonally transmitted repertoire and textual archives, 1409 + as well as digital, visual, and other means—even if, as Peggy 1410 + Phelan notes, “performance’s only life is in the present.”60 1411 + If the example of Rainer’s dance sketches points to 1412 + the limitations of the score as a mechanism of inscription, 1413 + the late 1960s saw avant-garde artists developing score-like 1414 + documentation that opened up further possibilities for the 1415 + score’s look and utility. In the context of The Scores Project, 1416 + they invite us to creatively reconsider the relationships 1417 + between works and their authors, performers, and 1418 + audiences. Unlike other works featured here, Alison 1419 + Knowles’s The Identical Lunch (late 1960s–early ’70s) was 1420 + habitually “performed” before it was noticed by fellow artist 1421 + Philip Corner and then transcribed into a readymade event 1422 + score. As Emily Ruth Capper shows in chapter 9, Knowles 1423 + thus transformed a convenient lunch into a communal 1424 + project of quasi-ethnographic observation in which others 1425 + 1426 + 1427 + 1428 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 37 1429 + were invited to revel in the changing shape of a quotidian 1430 + ritual.61 1431 + For her part, Mieko Shiomi’s multi-part work Spatial 1432 + Poem (1965–75) attempted to realize the utopian promise of 1433 + the event score format in its call for long-distance 1434 + collaboration and openness to divergent interpretations. In 1435 + chapter 10, Harren demonstrates that equally compelling is 1436 + the work’s recursive structure, in which documentation of 1437 + prior performances is enveloped into the international 1438 + publication and recirculation of the scores themselves. In 1439 + chapter 11, we see how Allan Kaprow devised scored 1440 + activities that invited small groups of committed participants 1441 + to explore a formalist approach to seemingly ordinary social 1442 + situations. Emily Ruth Capper’s discussion of Routine 1443 + (1973–75) emphasizes the foundational role of experimental 1444 + pedagogy in Kaprow’s work and recounts how the artist’s 1445 + filmed version of the activity provocatively blurs the line 1446 + between score and documentation. Remarkably, Kaprow’s 1447 + didactic actions recorded on film function as their own score 1448 + that unfolds in time. Espousing a philosophical perspective 1449 + on experimental scores, Shiomi’s Spatial Poem and 1450 + Kaprow’s Routine move beyond a score’s two-dimensional 1451 + paper format in ways that question the boundary between 1452 + documentation and instruction. 1453 + Over the course of the 1960s and into the ’70s, 1454 + experimental scores invigorated a multitude of creative 1455 + practices in the visual and performing arts. This 1456 + development in turn contributed to the canonization of 1457 + historical avant-garde precursors. A number of these artists 1458 + who were trained in art history—Kaprow and Higgins in 1459 + particular—worked to self-historicize and theorize their own 1460 + experimental practices for audiences that lacked the proper 1461 + language and knowledge to grasp the historical import of 1462 + their work.62 The protean intermedia aesthetic philosophy 1463 + these artists articulated attempted to reconcile and 1464 + synthesize numerous influences: sound poetry and collage, 1465 + Dada and Surrealism, the progressive pedagogy of Black 1466 + 1467 + 38 Introduction 1468 + Mountain College, abstract expressionist painting, Cage and 1469 + the New York School composers (a group consisting of 1470 + Feldman, Cage, Tudor, Brown, and Christian Wolff), and the 1471 + newly emergent culture of mass media.63 During the 1960s, 1472 + Fluxus artists effectively redefined the meaning of 1473 + Duchamp’s readymade to include not only objects but also 1474 + gestures, sounds, and events. From this perspective, event 1475 + scores were understood as “temporal readymades” that 1476 + could appropriate and anoint ephemeral phenomena as 1477 + aesthetically significant.64 Their notations became a 1478 + remarkably powerful tool in transforming the artwork from 1479 + an inert object into a wildly transmutable idea capable of 1480 + migrating through any medium imaginable. As Higgins 1481 + summarily concluded in his “Exemplativist Manifesto” 1482 + (1976) with a grand gesture redolent of Jacques Derrida’s 1483 + concept of grammatology: “All form is a process of 1484 + notation.”65 1485 + Other artists keen on gaining a historical awareness 1486 + of and thereby legitimating new intermedia art forms 1487 + produced maps, flowcharts, and timelines detailing their 1488 + avant-garde lineages. Alongside Maciunas’s better-known 1489 + historiographic diagrams, Nam June Paik’s “Expanded 1490 + Education for the Paperless Society” (1968) included a 1491 + flowchart representing the history of musical notation as an 1492 + antecedent to what he called “Music Graphic” (the graphic 1493 + notation of something like Cage’s Concert for Piano and 1494 + Orchestra), “event and action music” (event scores by 1495 + Brecht et al.), and ultimately an ethnographic “mix media 1496 + music” (visually compelling, multisensory performance 1497 + including opera as well as “all non-European music”) (fig. 1498 + 0.8).66 Notably, Paik’s chart is part of a manifesto arguing 1499 + the urgent need for integrating multimedia technology into 1500 + arts pedagogy—precisely what The Scores Project seeks to 1501 + realize. In fact, it can be argued that the proliferation of 1502 + scores in the 1960s fittingly paralleled early histories of 1503 + computing and cybernetic theory. As a quasi-algorithmic 1504 + conceptual tool, scores were a handily adaptable format for 1505 + 1506 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 39 1507 + playing with textual and diagrammatic codes and linkages. 1508 + Others ushered the score into the terrain of social utopias. In 1509 + 1969, Lawrence Halprin, the visionary landscape architect 1510 + and partner to the postmodern dance pioneer Anna Halprin, 1511 + published The RSVP Cycles, attesting to the creative power 1512 + of scores understood in the broadest possible sense, from 1513 + ancient mandalas and topographical maps to grocery lists 1514 + and recipes.67 In its capaciousness, Lawrence Halprin’s 1515 + catalog represents a distinct peak of the period’s mania for 1516 + scores as it begs the question of what graphic inscriptions, if 1517 + any, do not qualify as being score-like. 1518 + Ultimately, visual and performance artists’ embrace 1519 + of scores as a generative tool was as consequential for the 1520 + period of transition from modernism to postmodernism as 1521 + was minimalism’s activation of the space of the beholder 1522 + and pop art’s intermingling of high art with the low culture of 1523 + mass media.68 In the years since, artists have continued to 1524 + make use of all sorts of notations—from scores, diagrams, 1525 + and instructions to certificates, blueprints, drawings, and 1526 + the like—though with some sense that the once 1527 + revolutionary challenges to authority, autography, and 1528 + polished works in favor of iterative, experimental, and open- 1529 + ended practices have become accepted, even routine 1530 + directions for contemporary artists. Meanwhile, for scholars 1531 + and curators, the recognition of the importance of 1532 + experimental scores has inspired renewed debates around 1533 + the ontology, preservation, and, ironically, authenticity of 1534 + ephemeral works of art in ways that knit together such 1535 + diverse fields of inquiry as aesthetics, patronage, museum 1536 + studies, conservation, and intellectual property law. 1537 + 1538 + 1539 + Poetry and Experimental Scores 1540 + 1541 + Language-based directives were certainly one of the 1542 + hallmark features of the expanded forms in which 1543 + experimental scores were composed and distributed after 1544 + 1960. Nevertheless, from a historical perspective, it is 1545 + 1546 + 40 Introduction 1547 + Fig. 0.8 Nam June Paik (Korean, 1932–2006). “Expanded Education for 1548 + the Paperless Society,” 1968. Reproduced in Radical Software 1, no. 1 1549 + (1970): 7–8. © Nam June Paik Estate. 1550 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/008/ 1551 + 1552 + 1553 + 1554 + 1555 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 41 1556 + remarkable to note that self-described poets were largely on 1557 + the periphery of these aesthetic innovations. In France, at 1558 + least one sympathetic tradition of poets operated in parallel 1559 + to Cage and his circle. Disaffection with the increasingly 1560 + doctrinaire strictures of Bretonian Surrealism led to the 1561 + founding in 1948 of the Ouvroir de Littérature Potentielle 1562 + (Oulipo). Though their work was not popularized in the 1563 + United States until the 1960s, Oulipo’s emphasis on the 1564 + creation of potential literature—that is, the invention of 1565 + procedures or constraints that could be employed to 1566 + generate actual, finished literary works—presents us with a 1567 + literary analogue to the score-based experiments featured in 1568 + The Scores Project. This parallel notwithstanding, the avant- 1569 + garde poets of the postwar era who did interact most directly 1570 + with Cage and his circle’s score-based experiments in the 1571 + early 1950s, namely Charles Olson, M. C. Richards, and 1572 + Jackson Mac Low, had a subtler, more indirect relationship 1573 + to a broader history of score-like experimentation in Western 1574 + poetry, a relationship that requires a bit of historical context. 1575 + Long before any modernist or avant-garde poetry, 1576 + there was a common sense that the text of a written poem 1577 + was analogous to a score. From the dawn of print culture up 1578 + until the early twentieth century in the West, it was assumed 1579 + that printed poems would be read aloud in the presence of 1580 + others—and thus performed in a score-like fashion—so as to 1581 + retain a sensory link to ubiquitous traditions of oral literature 1582 + and folklore. This history of performing poetry in print allows 1583 + us to better understand how the changing conceptions of 1584 + prosody, orality, and the phenomenology of poetic rhythm 1585 + paralleled cross-disciplinary score-based work in the other 1586 + arts. Before the emergence of mass media, the expressive 1587 + recitation of literary works was a prime source of communal 1588 + entertainment for primarily middle-class audiences, much 1589 + like amateur performances of musical scores. In England and 1590 + the United States, the recitation of poetry was the focus of 1591 + enunciation contests that were widespread in the late 1592 + nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and these contests 1593 + 1594 + 42 Introduction 1595 + in turn were evidence of a vigorous debate over the proper 1596 + pronunciation and rhythms of English speech. In a move that 1597 + parallels the nineteenth-century emergence of parlor song 1598 + and Christian hymnals intended for middle-class amateur 1599 + musicians, participants in these disputes assumed that such 1600 + performances of literary works ought to be achievable by any 1601 + reader with sufficient literacy and education; that is, they did 1602 + not require professional performers.69 These debates only 1603 + intensified in the early days of radio and the phonograph, and 1604 + the ideas were associated with an explosion of textbooks, 1605 + manuals, and theoretical treatises on poetic meter and other 1606 + rhythmic effects that were considered essential to the oral 1607 + delivery of a text. 1608 + A chief preoccupation of modern American poetry 1609 + was the widely acknowledged “crisis of verse” / crise de vers 1610 + that emerged from the widespread adoption of free-verse 1611 + rhythms rather than the more regularly patterned structure 1612 + of meter and rhyme. Some poets and critics argued that 1613 + modern poets ought to renounce regular rhythms and other 1614 + pleasing sonic effects of traditional versification—even to 1615 + the point of becoming deliberately prosaic in their 1616 + language—in order to reflect the broken or alienated 1617 + conditions of modernity.70 Others, however, sought to 1618 + maintain continuity between the meters of earlier eras of 1619 + English-language poetry and the prosodic experiments that 1620 + were quickly being embraced as canonical works of high 1621 + modernism in the age of the New Criticism.71 The 1622 + pedagogues concerned with proper enunciation reacted to 1623 + the crisis of free verse in their own way. Some simply 1624 + dismissed these new works outright as not poetry— 1625 + conservative literary critics regularly decried any new 1626 + experimental works either as nonsense or as being 1627 + indistinguishable from prose—while Robert Frost infamously 1628 + described free verse as “playing tennis with the net 1629 + down.”72 But others rushed to amend their prosodic theories 1630 + by explaining how free-verse poems ought to be recited and 1631 + how attending to their oral delivery remained indispensable 1632 + 1633 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 43 1634 + to understanding and experiencing these literary works. 1635 + Leading up to this moment of early modernist crisis, 1636 + the musical score and the notion of the printed text as the 1637 + authoritative guide to oral delivery reemerged as a model for 1638 + literary scholars. The poet Sidney Lanier, in his Science of 1639 + English Verse (1880), had sought a unified ground for the 1640 + rhythms of both metrical and free-verse poetry (fig. 0.9).73 1641 + For his analyses, Lanier used musical notation in place of 1642 + traditional scansion (derived from the foot-based prosodies 1643 + of Greek and Latin poetry), a quirkily overdetermined 1644 + approach emphasizing time and rhythm over accents and 1645 + stresses on syllables that would continue to be championed 1646 + by Harriet Monroe, the influential editor of Poetry magazine 1647 + in the modernist era.74 Other scholars looked to 1648 + phonographic recordings of exemplary recitations as a way 1649 + of establishing the subtle yet perceptible regularity of free 1650 + verse when read aloud by expert performers.75 Aided by a 1651 + robust discourse of formalization made with reference to 1652 + musical scores, the focus on exemplary virtuoso 1653 + performances of poems became a means of legitimating 1654 + modernist experimentalism. 1655 + Meanwhile, other strains of modernism sought to 1656 + revive the vernacular, ephemeral, and improvisational 1657 + dimensions of oral poetry. By the 1950s, attempts to shake 1658 + up the stale, insular, and self-congratulatory performance 1659 + norms of the academic poetry reading were emerging from 1660 + virtually all of the various schools of so-called New American 1661 + Poetry, as identified in 1960 by the influential anthologist 1662 + Donald Allen. (Members of these schools included the Beat 1663 + poets, Black Mountain College poets, figures of the San 1664 + Francisco Renaissance, and New York School poets.) Their 1665 + challenges ranged from “Fresh Air” (1955), the New York 1666 + School poet Kenneth Koch’s merciless satire of academic 1667 + poetry culture, to the much more militant call for “poems 1668 + that kill” from Amiri Baraka, founder of the Harlem-based 1669 + Black Arts Repertory Theater/School.76 Midcentury poets 1670 + seeking emancipation from the sterility of mainstream 1671 + 1672 + 44 Introduction 1673 + Fig. 0.9 Sidney Lanier (American, 1842–81). The Science of English Verse 1674 + (New York: Scribner’s, 1880), 216–17. Internet Archive/Trent University 1675 + Library Donation. 1676 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/009/ 1677 + 1678 + 1679 + 1680 + 1681 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 45 1682 + recitation found models for immediacy and spontaneity in 1683 + abstract expressionist painting, collage and assemblage, 1684 + existentialist philosophy, psychoanalysis, jazz, the mind- 1685 + expanding qualities of psychoactive drugs, and exoticizing 1686 + endeavors into mysticism and spiritualism. 1687 + In this vein, Afro-modernist bebop, newly circulating 1688 + in recordings at midcentury, inspired many of these poets to 1689 + actively return to a form of oral literature that was presumed 1690 + to bypass the mediation of writing and reach audiences more 1691 + directly. The improvisational performances of Beat poets, 1692 + which often entailed similarly improvised musical 1693 + accompaniment and were occasionally distributed as audio 1694 + recordings, further emphasized performance at the expense 1695 + of a purely textualist concept of the literary work. Their 1696 + innovations would in turn become a formidable influence on 1697 + the musicians and poets who infused the spoken word into 1698 + free jazz, the 1960s folk revival, rock music, and the New 1699 + York punk movement of the 1970s. The work of Gil Scott- 1700 + Heron and Patti Smith stands out as perhaps the best known 1701 + and most direct channeling of the sensory immediacy of oral 1702 + delivery into an incantation driven by the hypnotic intensity 1703 + of jazz, blues, soul, and—for Smith—rock. Echoing elements 1704 + of Scott-Heron’s innovations, hip-hop artists, particularly in 1705 + the wake of the genre’s flowering in the 1990s, would even 1706 + more radically return to the powers of prosody and voice to 1707 + assert a performance-driven model of poetic expression. 1708 + Of course, these musician-poets were not 1709 + necessarily interested in experimental scores; they were 1710 + more directly turning to forms of oral transmission joined to 1711 + the affective impact of music. Others retooled the formalist 1712 + study of meter and prosody in ways that explicitly made use 1713 + of experimental scores that presented temporal performance 1714 + instructions in inventive visual layouts.77 In a formalist vein, 1715 + Charles Olson reimagined the visual display of a poem in the 1716 + manner of a musical score, with the fixed-width typography 1717 + of the typewritten manuscript becoming a strict temporal 1718 + axis stretching evenly across the printed page. Olson’s essay 1719 + 1720 + 46 Introduction 1721 + “Projective Verse” (1950) described a rhythmic aspect of 1722 + “open field” composition, in which the visual arrangement of 1723 + the poem on the page serves as the definitive guide to 1724 + performance, with the understanding that each line of verse 1725 + would be equivalent in duration to one breath on the part of 1726 + the reader. He writes: 1727 + 1728 + It is the advantage of the typewriter that, due to its 1729 + rigidity and its space precisions, it can, for a poet, 1730 + indicate exactly the breath, the pauses, the 1731 + suspensions even of syllables, the juxtapositions 1732 + even of parts of phrases, which he intends. For the 1733 + first time the poet has the stave and the bar a 1734 + musician has had. For the first time he can, without 1735 + the convention of rime and meter, record the 1736 + listening he has done to his own speech and by that 1737 + one act indicate how he would want any reader, 1738 + silently or otherwise, to voice his work. It is time we 1739 + picked the fruits of the experiments of Cummings, 1740 + Pound, Williams, each of whom has, after his way, 1741 + already used the machine as a scoring to his 1742 + composing, as a script to its vocalization.78 1743 + 1744 + Around the same time that Olson developed his 1745 + theory of projective verse, a generation of concrete poets in 1746 + Brazil and elsewhere employed typography not just for visual 1747 + effects but also as a score-like guide to performers.79 1748 + Although concrete poets have long been misunderstood as 1749 + working in a purely visual medium, recent scholarship has 1750 + sought to recover their overlooked sonic dimensions. The 1751 + Brazilian poets Haroldo and Augusto de Campos referred to 1752 + their influential experiments across the nexus of word, 1753 + image, and sound as verbivocovisual, a neologism drawn 1754 + from James Joyce’s Finnegans Wake (1939).80 Many 1755 + concrete poets saw their strategies as an aesthetic counter 1756 + to the increasingly ubiquitous visual language of capitalist 1757 + advertising that was permeating their rapidly urbanizing 1758 + cities, and some wrote poems that critically engaged popular 1759 + 1760 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 47 1761 + advertising through sonic wordplay rendered in the color 1762 + palettes of iconic brands, as Décio Pignatari did in Beba Coca 1763 + Cola (1957) (fig. 0.10). Rather than establishing a 1764 + countercultural priesthood of high art, these poets sought to 1765 + build their own aesthetic and cultural theories from scratch, 1766 + articulating a clean, definitive break with European 1767 + modernisms that had been permanently discredited by 1768 + association with two world wars.81 Still other concrete 1769 + poets sought to reify their works by having them fabricated 1770 + in heftier material forms, as did the Scottish poet and 1771 + gardener Ian Hamilton Finlay, who constructed and 1772 + commissioned site-specific works in wood, glass, and stone 1773 + for his home, known as Little Sparta (fig. 0.11). This diversity 1774 + of aims and programs for concrete poetry was recognized at 1775 + the time by Fluxus affiliate Emmett Williams, who edited an 1776 + impressively international and multilingual collection of 1777 + concrete poetry in 1967.82 1778 + Given the range of midcentury poets working at 1779 + some proximity to experimental scores, it may appear 1780 + strange that the use of language by the key figures featured 1781 + in The Scores Project—and particularly in event scores by 1782 + Young, Brecht, and Mac Low, or in Cage’s lectures, which 1783 + echoed Olson’s experimental concept of open-field 1784 + composition—may appear so conspicuously disengaged 1785 + from both the visual and the aural experiments of their poetic 1786 + contemporaries. But this, too, simply requires further 1787 + historical context. Many of these figures were fascinated by 1788 + a certain optimism about the transparency of language that 1789 + characterized midcentury discourses of cybernetics, 1790 + positivism, infographics, the imperative grammar of ad 1791 + agency sloganeering, or the rhetoric of protest signs.83 1792 + Though these artists often took such language to 1793 + provocative extremes or subjected it to forms of critique, 1794 + such an exhortatory tone, previously associated with 1795 + didactic and moralizing traditions, had heretofore been 1796 + virtually absent from the traditional scope of lyric, modern, 1797 + and avant-garde poets.84 (Kaprow may be considered an 1798 + 1799 + 48 Introduction 1800 + Fig. 0.10 Décio Pignatari (Brazilian, 1927–2012). Beba Coca Cola, 1957, 1801 + screen print. From Poesia concreta in Brasile (Milan: Archivio della Grazia di 1802 + Nuova Scrittura, 1991), n.p. Getty Research Institute, item 45-13. Estate of 1803 + Décio Pignatari. 1804 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/010/ 1805 + 1806 + 1807 + 1808 + 1809 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 49 1810 + Fig. 0.11 Ian Hamilton Finlay (Scottish, 1925–2006). Star/Steer, 1965, 1811 + sandblasted glass in wooden base. By courtesy of the Estate of Ian 1812 + Hamilton Finlay. 1813 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/011/ 1814 + 1815 + 1816 + 1817 + 1818 + 50 Introduction 1819 + exception to this functionalist trend, as his approach to 1820 + rhetoric and communication was more clearly influenced by 1821 + the Beat poets, particularly Allen Ginsberg.) 1822 + As a case in point, the language-based instructions 1823 + that accompany Cage’s score for Concert for Piano and 1824 + Orchestra deploy a view of language as essentially 1825 + functional and communicative. The purpose is simply to 1826 + explain how the performer should interpret the 1827 + unconventional notations in the pages that follow. If 1828 + anything, Cage’s use of language derives from scientific 1829 + communication, symbolic logic, and informational graphics. 1830 + Just as one might label the values being plotted on the x and 1831 + y axes of a chart or graph, so Cage instructs the performer 1832 + about the values of the parameters of his calligraphic 1833 + squiggles and amoebas. Tudor’s highly calculated and 1834 + systematic approach to his realizations—which, in the case 1835 + of his second realization of the Concert for Piano, ballooned 1836 + into pages upon pages of preparatory work with precise ruler 1837 + measurements and calculations in long division—effectively 1838 + doubles down on a quantitative method for resolving the 1839 + relationship between the graphic and linguistic elements of 1840 + Cage’s score. 1841 + And yet, if the avant-gardists in The Scores Project 1842 + did not necessarily see their use of language as poetic, it 1843 + does not mean that their claims to linguistic transparency 1844 + were devoid of ontological and aesthetic richness. Even as 1845 + their score language appears simple, direct, unadorned, and 1846 + functional—occasionally akin to stage directions—some 1847 + instructions are often so compressed that they ironically 1848 + invite perplexity or confusion. As John Hicks demonstrates 1849 + in chapter 7 on Mac Low’s provocative postcard scores, the 1850 + bracing simplicity of their language echoes some of the more 1851 + conceptually oriented, koan-like event scores of Brecht, 1852 + Young, and Ono, deliberately testing the limits of what is 1853 + performable or even imaginable. These text-based scores, 1854 + with their ambivalent and complex relation to the history of 1855 + poetry and music, and their curious position between the 1856 + 1857 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 51 1858 + ideal and the material, in many ways prefigured the broader 1859 + turn to language in late 1960s conceptual art.85 For certain, 1860 + they mark a major touchstone in the development of 1861 + contemporary performance art and related intermedia 1862 + practices. 1863 + 1864 + 1865 + An Invitation 1866 + 1867 + This publication is an invitation to explore. Experimental 1868 + scores are philosophically and historically complex entities, 1869 + a key reason they became so fascinating and popular during 1870 + the 1960s. We hope the unified multisensory format of The 1871 + Scores Project facilitates a comparative understanding of 1872 + multiple realities and modes of existence for each score that 1873 + may have been difficult if not impossible to imagine in the 1874 + traditional physical spaces of an archive, gallery, or 1875 + performance venue. 1876 + Certain guiding questions may facilitate 1877 + comparisons: What did artists prioritize in their scores and 1878 + instructions? Even though each of these scores has an 1879 + author, to what extent was their authorship fundamentally 1880 + collaborative? Were the works intended for specific 1881 + performers, readers, or viewers? Or for unknown 1882 + participants or communities? Were participants presumed to 1883 + be skilled or informed in any way? Did these works rely on an 1884 + existing social habitus, a socially competitive scene or 1885 + clique, or institutional structures and authorities? Is 1886 + extension in time given the same weight in each score? Does 1887 + a recorded performance in turn affect future interpretations 1888 + of a score? This is particularly the case with dance, in which 1889 + filmed documentation captures many more details of bodily 1890 + movement—and ultimately intellectual property—than can 1891 + be preserved in dance notation and instructions. But it is also 1892 + true for Kaprow, Knowles, and Shiomi, who turned 1893 + documentation of an action into its own kind of score. It is 1894 + true for Brecht’s Drip Music (Drip Event) (1959–62; see 1895 + chapter 6), in which a particular interpretation of the work 1896 + 1897 + 52 Introduction 1898 + involving a ladder and a watering can, reiterated through 1899 + repeated stagings as well as photographic and filmic 1900 + documentation, helped codify a post-facto performance 1901 + protocol, one Brecht himself avoided. To what extent did 1902 + artists retain traditional aesthetic values of appealing design 1903 + in their scores? Or of arresting, peaceful, beautiful, or 1904 + disturbing sounds and images in the result? Is it possible to 1905 + have a “bad” or tasteless performance of these scores? If so, 1906 + how and why? Is it because we as twenty-first-century 1907 + participants have ironically been seduced by the author- 1908 + function and a desire to preserve a work’s historical 1909 + integrity? 1910 + As we keep these questions in mind, the archival 1911 + records for each of these scores provide a front-row seat to 1912 + the sociohistorical context from which the works first 1913 + emerged. Rather than supposing the score is some kind of 1914 + urtext for the work, users can compare realizations, notes, 1915 + and correspondence to understand some of the larger 1916 + conceptual apparatuses and influences that went into the 1917 + creation and performances of the scores. We hope users will 1918 + arrive at new materials and conceptual understandings of 1919 + each score by working directly from archives and historical 1920 + materials to better understand the philosophical practices at 1921 + play. For example, in newspaper clippings, we can trace a 1922 + history of middle brow receptions of performances that is 1923 + unfiltered by the idealized lens of disciplinary 1924 + metanarratives. As archival correspondence shows, fraught 1925 + negotiations over artists’ compensation and recognition for 1926 + their creative work sometimes conflicted with their 1927 + professed desires to de-commodify the art object. In turn, 1928 + such material needs have raised important questions for 1929 + museums and collectors today. Recent scholarship linking 1930 + art history, performance studies, museum and curatorial 1931 + studies, and conservation has begun to track in earnest how 1932 + the score format has become an essential tool of legally 1933 + compensating artists for otherwise ephemeral works.86 1934 + 1935 + 1936 + 1937 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 53 1938 + Considering the wealth of materials gathered in The 1939 + Scores Project, we can ascertain how the identities and 1940 + reception of these multifaceted experimental compositions 1941 + shifted over time through the engagement of different 1942 + communities of performers and audiences, some quite 1943 + distant from the scores’ original authors. Accordingly, we 1944 + have included ephemera typically omitted or sidelined in 1945 + traditional scholarship and arranged these materials into 1946 + constellations that facilitate new understanding of the works 1947 + from which they derive. In other words, The Scores Project 1948 + reimagines the format and user experience of scholarship on 1949 + interdisciplinary arts by taking cues from the art itself. 1950 + Through its accessible design, far-reaching historical 1951 + narrative, and abundance of exciting primary materials, this 1952 + project aims to create a compelling, dynamic model for the 1953 + curation and communication of performance materials to the 1954 + general public. 1955 + Even so, when such rich archival materials are 1956 + available, we as readers, viewers, listeners, and participants 1957 + do not construct the context for experimental scores from 1958 + the ground up. To every work we encounter for the first time, 1959 + we bring our past experiences and understandings of all the 1960 + works we have encountered previously—experiences that 1961 + undoubtedly color our reception of new ones. Those with 1962 + academic training may assume the role of a hypothetical, 1963 + idealized “reader” of literature, “viewer” of visual art, 1964 + “listener” of music, or “participant” in performances and 1965 + happenings. Accompanying these idealized readers, 1966 + viewers, listeners, and participants are a host of other 1967 + implicit assumptions about the context or habitus in which 1968 + their encounters take place: private, undisturbed reading; 1969 + contemplative viewing in a white-cube gallery; listening to a 1970 + high-fidelity recording or in an acoustically optimized 1971 + performance space; and so on. It is these baseline 1972 + assumptions that many of the scores presented in this 1973 + publication willfully disrupt. Yes, this publication is an 1974 + invitation to explore. But arguably it does more, as do the 1975 + 1976 + 54 Introduction 1977 + scores featured within it. They invite us to rethink how one 1978 + writes history or practices theory and philosophy, and they 1979 + ask us to understand how artistic practice itself dislodges 1980 + the familiar and, in doing so, creates new and provocative 1981 + forms of life. 1982 + 1983 + Notes 1984 + 1985 + 1. Dick Higgins, “Intermedia” (1965–66), republished with commentary by 1986 + Hannah Higgins in Leonardo 34, no. 1 (2001): 49–54; and Dick Higgins, 1987 + “Statement on Intermedia” (1966), in Dé-coll/age 6 (1967), ed. Wolf 1988 + Vostell, reprinted in In the Spirit of Fluxus, ed. Elizabeth Armstrong and 1989 + Joan Rothfuss, exh. cat. (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center, 1993), 1990 + 172–73. See also Natilee Harren, “The Crux of Fluxus: Intermedia, Rear- 1991 + Guard,” in Art Expanded, 1958–1978, ed. Eric Crosby with Liz Glass, vol. 1992 + 2 of Living Collections Catalogue (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center, 1993 + 2015), https://walkerart.org/collections/publications/art-expanded/ 1994 + crux-of-fluxus/; and Trevor Stark, “Passionate Expanse of the Law: 1995 + Intermedia and the Problem of Discipline,” in Call It Something Else: 1996 + Something Else Press, Inc. 1963–1974, by Alice Centamore and 1997 + Christian Xatrec (Madrid: Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, 1998 + 2023), 48–60. 1999 + 2. Clement Greenberg, “Modernist Painting” (1960), in The New Art: A 2000 + Critical Anthology, ed. Gregory Battcock (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1966); 2001 + Leo Steinberg, “Other Criteria” (1968), in Other Criteria: Confrontations 2002 + with Twentieth-Century Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003 + 2007); and Rosalind Krauss and Yve-Alain Bois, Formless: A User’s 2004 + Guide (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997). 2005 + 3. A number of studies have laid groundwork pointing to the important role 2006 + of scores in 1960s visual and performance art, including Hannah Higgins, 2007 + Fluxus Experience (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002); 2008 + Liz Kotz, Words to Be Looked At: Language in 1960s Art (Cambridge, 2009 + MA: MIT Press, 2007); Branden Joseph, Beyond the Dream Syndicate: 2010 + Tony Conrad and the Arts after Cage (New York: Zone Books, 2008); 2011 + Julia Robinson, “From Abstraction to Model: George Brecht’s Events and 2012 + the Conceptual Turn in Art of the 1960s,” October 127 (Winter 2009): 2013 + 77–108; Jane McFadden, Walter De Maria: Meaningless Work (London: 2014 + Reaktion Books, 2016); and Natilee Harren, Fluxus Forms: Scores, 2015 + Multiples, and the Eternal Network (Chicago: University of Chicago 2016 + Press, 2020). 2017 + 4. See, for example, Umberto Eco, The Open Work (Cambridge, MA: 2018 + Harvard University Press, 1989); Richard Wollheim, Art and Its Objects 2019 + 2020 + 2021 + 2022 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 55 2023 + (New York: Harper & Row, 1968); Nelson Goodman, Languages of Art: 2024 + An Approach to a Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1976); 2025 + Roman Ingarden, The Work of Music and the Problem of Its Identity, 2026 + trans. Adam Czerniawski (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2027 + 1986); and Lydia Goehr, The Imaginary Museum of Musical Works (New 2028 + York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 2029 + 5. Oxford English Dictionary Online, s.v. “Score (n.),” https://doi.org/10 2030 + .1093/OED/2363072221. Note as well that in German the word for a 2031 + score is Partitur, which is of Latinate origin, deriving from partire, 2032 + meaning to divide, partition, or share. 2033 + 6. David Charlton and Kathryn Whitney, “Score,” Grove Music Online, 20 2034 + January 2001, https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article 2035 + .25241. 2036 + 7. For a detailed treatment of the integration of orality and memory with 2037 + early forms of medieval musical notation, see Anna Maria Busse Berger, 2038 + Medieval Music and the Art of Memory (Berkeley: University of California 2039 + Press, 2005). See also Thomas Forrest Kelly, Capturing Music: The Story 2040 + of Notation (New York: W. W. Norton, 2015); and Hannah Higgins, 2041 + “Notation,” The Grid Book (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009). 2042 + 8. Standardized Western notation, made accessible by the Western 2043 + publishing industry, served to reinforce biases and stereotypes held by 2044 + the West’s imperial and colonial plunderers, and they were thus more 2045 + likely to approach the music of non-Western peoples as something to be 2046 + extracted and exoticized rather than understood and appreciated on its 2047 + own terms. See Glenda Goodman, “Sounds Heard, Meaning Deferred: 2048 + Music Transcription as Imperial Technology,” Eighteenth-Century 2049 + Studies 52, no. 1 (2018): 39–45. 2050 + 9. For an example of an ethnocentric teleology that privileges Western 2051 + classical music notation as a quasi-Hegelian synthesis of past attempts, 2052 + see the entry on “Notation,” by Ian D. Bent et al., in Grove Music Online, 2053 + https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.20114. Bent and 2054 + his coauthors position Western classical notation as an ideal synthesis of 2055 + a series of historical developments. But from a global perspective, the 2056 + detailed specifications of modern Western notation is but one system 2057 + among many. Even within Western Europe, dynamic markings did not 2058 + appear until the seventeenth century, articulation marks emerged during 2059 + the nineteenth century, and both were the product of various 2060 + experiments forwarded by various composers from within Europe. See 2061 + David Cope, New Music Notation (Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing, 2062 + 1976), 3. 2063 + 10. Goehr, Imaginary Museum. 2064 + 11. For an approach to some of the dramatic conflicts and scenes of social 2065 + tension in New York–based experimental music in 1964, see Benjamin 2066 + 2067 + 2068 + 56 Introduction 2069 + Piekut’s take in Experimentalism Otherwise (Berkeley: University of 2070 + California Press, 2011). 2071 + 12. Luigi Russolo, The Art of Noises (Futurist Manifesto, 1913), trans. Robert 2072 + Filliou, A Great Bear Pamphlet (New York: Something Else Press, 1967), 2073 + accessible at https://www.ubu.com/historical/gb/russolo_noise.pdf. 2074 + Filliou was a French artist associated with Fluxus alongside Dick Higgins, 2075 + founder of Something Else Press, which issued this translation in 2076 + chapbook form. 2077 + 13. Luigi Russolo, Risveglio di una Città, originally published in Lacerba (1 2078 + March 1914): 72–73. 2079 + 14. For a synoptic account of this period, see Carol Oja, Making Music 2080 + Modern (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). Of note, Dick 2081 + Higgins’s Something Else Press (see note 12 above) reissued Cowell’s 2082 + New Musical Resources in 1969, in acknowledgment of its renewed 2083 + relevance. 2084 + 15. Edgard Varèse and Chou Wen-chung, “The Liberation of Sound,” 2085 + Perspectives of New Music 5, no. 1 (1966): 11–19. 2086 + 16. Cage describes some of these influences in his famous 1937 essay, “The 2087 + Future of Music: Credo,” in Silence: Lectures and Writings by John Cage 2088 + (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), 3–6. 2089 + 17. George E. Lewis, “Improvised Music after 1950: Afrological and 2090 + Eurological Perspectives,” Black Music Research Journal 22, 2091 + Supplement: Best of BMRJ (2002), 215–46. 2092 + 18. See Michael Zwerin, “A Lethal Measurement,” in John Cage: An 2093 + Anthology, ed. Richard Kostelanetz (New York: Praeger, 1970), 161–68; 2094 + reprint, New York: Da Capo Press; discussed and cited in Lewis, 2095 + “Improvised Music after 1950,” 227–28. See also Caroline A. Jones, 2096 + “Finishing School: John Cage and the Abstract Expressionist Ego,” 2097 + Critical Inquiry 19 (1993): 628–65; and Rebecca Y. Kim, “John Cage in 2098 + Separate Togetherness with Jazz,” Contemporary Music Review (2012): 2099 + 63–89. 2100 + 19. Varèse himself had an ambivalent attitude toward jazz that evolved from 2101 + racist disapproval to a marginal, if inconsequential, curiosity during the 2102 + 1950s. In 1957, Varèse convened recording sessions of Greenwich 2103 + House Music School that brought in a largely white cast of jazz 2104 + improvisers, with the noted exceptions of Art Farmer and Charles 2105 + Mingus. See Brigid Cohen, “Enigmas of the Third Space: Mingus and 2106 + Varèse at Greenwich House, 1957,” Journal of the American 2107 + Musicological Society 71, no. 1 (2018): 155–211. 2108 + 20. See Benjamin Patterson, “I’m Glad You Asked Me That Question,” in 2109 + Benjamin Patterson: Born in the State of FLUX/us, by Valerie Cassel 2110 + Oliver (Houston: Contemporary Arts Museum Houston, 2010), 110; and 2111 + Benjamin Patterson, oral history interview by Kathy Goncharov, 22 May 2112 + 2113 + 2114 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 57 2115 + 2009, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 2116 + D.C., https://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history 2117 + -interview-benjamin-patterson-15685#transcript. Patterson immigrated 2118 + to Canada in search of work in 1957, then left in 1959 for France and 2119 + Germany. He remained largely in Germany until his return to New York in 2120 + 1963. He later returned to Germany, where he spent the rest of his life. 2121 + 21. See, for example, David Toop’s interview with Ornette Coleman in David 2122 + Toop, Exotica: Fabricated Soundscapes in a Real World (London: 2123 + Serpent’s Tail, 1999), 187. 2124 + 22. At the grand register of cultural policy and transatlantic competition, 2125 + jazz—much like abstract expressionist painting—was by midcentury 2126 + being used to assert the artistic supremacy of New York over Paris, as 2127 + well as an ideological agenda of democratic “freedom” against the Cold 2128 + War threat of Communism. See Lisa Davenport, Jazz Diplomacy: 2129 + Promoting America in the Cold War Era (Jackson: University Press of 2130 + Mississippi, 2009); Danielle Fosler-Lussier, Music in America’s Cold War 2131 + Diplomacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015); Timothy 2132 + Brennan, Afro-Latin Music and Imperial Jazz (Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 2133 + 2008); and Jairo Moreno, “Imperial Aurality: Jazz, the Archive, and U.S. 2134 + Empire,” in Audible Empire: Music, Global Politics, Critique, ed. Ronald 2135 + Radano and Tejumola Olaniyan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2136 + 2016), 135–60. For middle- to upper-class white people in the United 2137 + States, jazz would also become the basis for the mimetic trope of the 2138 + countercultural hipster while similarly serving as an “authentically” 2139 + American inspiration for abstract expressionists and Beat poets, among 2140 + many other artists and writers. For a historical account of this 2141 + phenomenon, see Norman Mailer, “The White Negro,” Dissent (1957): 2142 + 157–66. 2143 + 23. Brown started his musical life as a trumpeter and big-band arranger, and 2144 + while working as a recording engineer for Capitol Records from 1955 to 2145 + 1960, he crossed paths with Black musicians including Count Basie and 2146 + Ray Charles. See Jason Cady, “An Overview of Earle Brown’s Techniques 2147 + and Media,” in Beyond Notation: The Music of Earle Brown, ed. Rebecca 2148 + Y. Kim (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017). Brown also 2149 + produced, from 1960 to 1973, a series of recordings titled Contemporary 2150 + Sound Series for Time/Mainstream Records that would help expand the 2151 + notoriety of the midcentury musical avant-garde. See D. J. Hoek, 2152 + “Documenting the International Avant Garde: Earle Brown and the Time- 2153 + Mainstream Contemporary Sound Series,” Notes 61, no. 2 (2004): 2154 + 350–60. 2155 + 24. See LeRoi Jones [Amiri Baraka], Blues People (New York: Harper 2156 + Perennial, 1999); Scott DeVeaux, The Birth of Bebop: A Social and 2157 + Musical History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); and Eric 2158 + 2159 + 2160 + 58 Introduction 2161 + Porter, What Is This Thing Called Jazz? African American Musicians as 2162 + Artists, Critics, and Activists (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2163 + 2002). 2164 + 25. Lewis, “Improvised Music after 1950,” 218. 2165 + 26. La Monte Young and Jackson Mac Low, eds. (with George Maciunas, 2166 + designer), An Anthology of Chance Operations (New York: self- 2167 + published, 1963); and John Cage and Alison Knowles, eds., Notations 2168 + (New York: Something Else Press, 1969). Beyond these primary 2169 + anthologies, practical and systematic guides for the use of experimental 2170 + notations have since been published. See, for example, Howard Risatti, 2171 + New Music Vocabulary: A Guide to Notational Signs for Contemporary 2172 + Music (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975); and Gardner Read, 2173 + Pictographic Score Notation: A Compendium (Westport, CT: Greenwood 2174 + Press, 1998). 2175 + 27. On the collaborative and improvisational practices of Cage, Tudor, 2176 + Gordon Mumma, David Behrman, Ichiyanagi, and Takehisa Kosugi with 2177 + the Merce Cunningham Dance Company of the 1960s and ’70s, see 2178 + Benjamin Piekut, “Not So Much a Program of Music as the Experience of 2179 + Music,” in Merce Cunningham: CO:MM:ON TI:ME, ed. Fionn Meade and 2180 + Joan Rothfuss (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center, 2017), 114–29. For 2181 + more on Tudor’s work with modular synthesizers, see You Nakai, 2182 + Reminded by the Instruments: David Tudor’s Music (New York: Oxford 2183 + University Press, 2021). 2184 + 28. Pauline Oliveros, Deep Listening: A Composer’s Sound Practice (Lincoln, 2185 + NE: iUniverse, 2005), 29. 2186 + 29. See Amy Cimini, Wild Sound: Maryanne Amacher and the Tenses of 2187 + Audible Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022). 2188 + 30. Leah Dickerman et al., Dada: Zurich, Berlin, Hannover, Cologne, New 2189 + York, Paris (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2005); and Leah 2190 + Dickerman, “Dada Gambits,” October 105 (2003): 3–12. 2191 + 31. See Molly Nesbit, “The Language of Industry,” in The Definitively 2192 + Unfinished Marcel Duchamp, ed. Thierry De Duve (Halifax: Nova Scotia 2193 + College of Art and Design, 1991); and David Joselit, “Dada’s Diagrams,” 2194 + in The Dada Seminars, ed. Leah Dickerman and Matthew S. Witkovsky 2195 + (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2005). Regarding his 2196 + decision in the 1960s to agree to the re-creation in edition of a number of 2197 + his readymades that had been lost or destroyed, Duchamp explained that 2198 + the readymade proposed “to wipe out the idea of the original, which 2199 + exists neither in music nor in poetry.” Marcel Duchamp, quoted in Otto 2200 + Hahn, “Passport No. G255300,” Art and Artists 1, no. 4 (July 1966): 7. 2201 + 32. On sound poetry, see Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant- 2202 + Garde, Avant-Guerre, and the Language of Rupture (Chicago: University 2203 + of Chicago Press, 1985); Douglas Kahn, Noise Water Meat (Cambridge, 2204 + 2205 + 2206 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 59 2207 + MA: MIT Press, 2001); Marjorie Perloff and Craig Dworkin, eds., The 2208 + Sound of Poetry / The Poetry of Sound (Chicago: University of Chicago 2209 + Press, 2009); and Nancy Perloff, Explodity: Sound, Image, and Word in 2210 + Russian Futurist Book Art (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2016). 2211 + See also Explodity’s associated interactive website: https://www.getty 2212 + .edu/research/publications/explodity/index.html. 2213 + 33. Trevor Stark, Total Expansion of the Letter: Avant-Garde Art and 2214 + Language after Mallarmé (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2020). See also 2215 + Willard Bohn, Apollinaire, Visual Poetry, and Art Criticism (Lewisburg, 2216 + PA: Bucknell University Press, 1993). 2217 + 34. Ralf Burmeister, Michaela Oberhofer, and Esther Tisa Francini, eds., 2218 + Dada Africa: Dialogue with the Other, exh. cat. (Zürich: Scheidegger und 2219 + Spiess, 2016). See also Kurt Beals, “Primitivismus: The Dada Rhythms of 2220 + Rhythmus 21,” in Hans Richters Rhythmus 21: Schlüsselfilm der 2221 + Moderne, ed. Christoph Bareither, Kurt Beals, Michael Cowan, Paul 2222 + Dobryden et al. (Würzburg, Germany: Königshausen & Neumann, 2012); 2223 + and Kurt Beals, Wireless Dada: Telegraphic Poetics in the Avant-Garde 2224 + (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2019). 2225 + 35. On the politics of Dada sound poetry and collage, see T. J. Demos, 2226 + “Circulations: In and around Zurich Dada,” October 105 (Summer 2003); 2227 + Demos, “Zurich Dada: The Aesthetics of Exile,” in Dickerman and 2228 + Witkovsky, Dada Seminars; Hal Foster, “Dada Mime,” October 105 2229 + (Summer 2003); Megan R. Luke, Kurt Schwitters: Space, Image, Exile 2230 + (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014); and Stark, Total Expansion 2231 + of the Letter. 2232 + 36. Martin Duberman, Black Mountain: An Exploration in Community (New 2233 + York: E. P. Dutton, 1972); Eva Díaz, The Experimenters: Chance and 2234 + Design at Black Mountain College (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2235 + 2015); Helen Molesworth and Ruth Erickson, Leap before You Look: 2236 + Black Mountain College, 1933–1957 (Boston and New Haven, CT: 2237 + Institute of Contemporary Art Boston in association with Yale University 2238 + Press, 2015); and Eugen Blume et al., eds., Black Mountain: An 2239 + Interdisciplinary Experiment, 1933–1957 (Leipzig: Spektor Books, 2240 + 2015). For a digital archive of Black Mountain College’s history, see https 2241 + ://www.blackmountaincollege.org/politicsdigitalportal/. 2242 + 37. Josef Albers, “Art as Experience,” Progressive Education 12 (October 2243 + 1935): 391–93. The title of Albers’s essay is a nod to John Dewey’s Art 2244 + as Experience (1934; reprint, New York: Perigee, 1980). See also Jeffrey 2245 + Saletnik, Josef Albers, Late Modernism, and Pedagogic Form (Chicago: 2246 + University of Chicago Press, 2022). 2247 + 38. Paul Klee, Pedagogical Sketchbook, trans. Sibyl Moholy-Nagy (New 2248 + York: Praeger, 1953); and Wassily Kandinsky, Point and Line to Plane, 2249 + 2250 + 2251 + 2252 + 2253 + 60 Introduction 2254 + trans. Howard Dearstyne and Hilla Rebay (New York: Solomon R. 2255 + Guggenheim Foundation / Museum of Non-Objective Painting, 1947). 2256 + 39. Fabienne Eggelhöfer and Marianne Keller Tschirren, Paul Klee: Bauhaus 2257 + Master (Madrid: Fundación Juan March, 2013), 49; Klee, Pedagogical 2258 + Sketchbook, 16; and Kandinsky, Point and Line to Plane, 40–45. 2259 + 40. See Kimberly Jannarone, Artaud and His Doubles (Ann Arbor: University 2260 + of Michigan Press, 2010). 2261 + 41. Pierre Boulez, “Propositions,” Polyphonie, no. 2 (1948): 65–72. 2262 + 42. For an account of the transmission of Artaud’s writings through Boulez, 2263 + Cage, Tudor, and M. C. Richards, see Eric Smigel, “Recital Hall of Cruelty: 2264 + Antonin Artaud, David Tudor, and the 1950s Avant-Garde,” Perspectives 2265 + of New Music 45, no. 2 (2007): 171–202. On Artaud’s reception in the 2266 + visual arts, see Frédéric Acquaviva and Kaira Cabañas, Specters of 2267 + Artaud: Language and the Arts in the 1950s, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo 2268 + Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, 2012); and Lucy Bradnock, No More 2269 + Masterpieces: Modern Art after Artaud (New Haven, CT: Yale University 2270 + Press, 2020). 2271 + 43. Cage and Tudor also visited Black Mountain College in the summer of 2272 + 1951, where Tudor performed an aggressive and dissonant (Artaud- 2273 + inspired) program of fully notated piano pieces: Boulez’s Second Sonata 2274 + and excerpts from Cage’s Music of Changes (1951). Cage first saw 2275 + Robert Rauschenberg’s White Painting [three panel] (1951) the following 2276 + summer, when it was included in Theater Piece No. 1 (1952). 2277 + 44. Following the Alberses’ departure from Black Mountain in 1949, the 2278 + college would subsequently come under the leadership of the poet 2279 + Charles Olson, who officially became rector in 1953. For a detailed 2280 + chronology, see Duberman, Black Mountain: Exploration in Community. 2281 + 45. In Cage’s words, Theater Piece No. 1 was also strongly influenced by 2282 + Artaud: “We got the idea from Artaud that theater could take place free of 2283 + a text, that if a text were in it, that it needn’t determine the other actions, 2284 + that sounds, that activities, and so forth, could all be free rather than tied 2285 + together. . . . And this was extended on this occasion [Theater Piece No. 2286 + 1] not only to music and dance, but to poetry and painting, and so forth, 2287 + to the audience. So that the audience was not focused in one particular 2288 + direction.” Richard Kostelanetz, Conversing with Cage (New York: 2289 + Limelight Editions, 1988), 110. See also Branden Joseph, “Moving 2290 + Images,” in Random Order: Robert Rauschenberg and the Neo-Avant- 2291 + Garde (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003). 2292 + 46. For the overlapping oral histories of Cage’s otherwise undocumented 2293 + Theater Piece No. 1, see Duberman’s exhaustive Black Mountain: 2294 + Exploration in Community, particularly chapter 12, “A New Black 2295 + Mountain,” 334–62, and the comprehensive accounts given in William 2296 + Fetterman, John Cage’s Theatre Pieces: Notations and Performances 2297 + 2298 + 2299 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 61 2300 + (New York: Routledge, 1995), and Eva Díaz, “John Cage’s Chance 2301 + Protocols,” in Experimenters. 2302 + 47. See Catherine Craft, An Audience of Artists: Dada, Neo-Dada, and the 2303 + Emergence of Abstract Expressionism (Chicago: University of Chicago 2304 + Press, 2012), 3. 2305 + 48. Craft, Audience of Artists, 44. Annette Leddy argues that an important 2306 + but underrecognized influence on Motherwell’s ideas was an intense six- 2307 + month visit to a group of “dissident surrealists” who were riding out 2308 + World War II in Mexico City and who formulated their break with 2309 + Surrealism in the journal Dyn. See Leddy, “The Painting Aesthetic of 2310 + Dyn,” in Annette Leddy and Donna Conwell, Farewell to Surrealism: The 2311 + Dyn Circle in Mexico, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2312 + 2012), 9–34. 2313 + 49. Other revelatory, canon-forming exhibitions that cemented Dada’s place 2314 + in narratives of twentieth-century art include Dada: Dokumente einer 2315 + Bewegung (Düsseldorf: Kunsthalle Düsseldorf, 1958), The Art of 2316 + Assemblage (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1961), and Dada, 2317 + Surrealism, and Their Heritage (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2318 + 1968). 2319 + 50. Sandra Zalman, Consuming Surrealism in America: Dissident Modernism 2320 + (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015). 2321 + 51. Beginning with their first retrospective accounting in a 1970 exhibition in 2322 + Cologne organized by Harald Szeemann and Hanns Sohm, happenings 2323 + and Fluxus have been historicized as partner movements given the 2324 + proximity of the artists’ social circles and aligned aesthetic and 2325 + intellectual interests. However, much like the often paired movements of 2326 + Dada and Surrealism, their appreciable differences are increasingly being 2327 + recognized. Harald Szeemann and Hanns Sohm, eds., Happening & 2328 + Fluxus (Cologne: Kölnischer Kunstverein, 1970). 2329 + 52. George Maciunas, “Neo-Dada in Music, Theater, Poetry, Art” (1962), in 2330 + Armstrong and Rothfuss, In the Spirit of Fluxus, 156–57. 2331 + 53. Brecht’s notebooks show that Cage invited critique of the ideas that 2332 + eventually became his famous lectures on indeterminacy given in 2333 + Darmstadt, Germany, in September 1958. See Rebecca Y. Kim, “In No 2334 + Uncertain Musical Terms: The Cultural Politics of John Cage’s 2335 + Indeterminacy” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2008), 153–54; and 2336 + Harren, Fluxus Forms, 60. Cage’s writings from this period are collected 2337 + in Silence: Lectures and Writings by John Cage (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan 2338 + University Press, 1961). 2339 + 54. Liz Kotz, “Post-Cagean Aesthetics and the Event Score,” in Words to Be 2340 + Looked At, 59–98. On Ono’s complex, and often overlooked, 2341 + relationship to this historical moment, see Brigid Cohen, Musical 2342 + 2343 + 2344 + 2345 + 2346 + 62 Introduction 2347 + Migration and Imperial New York: Early Cold War Scenes (Chicago: 2348 + University of Chicago Press, 2022), 179–222. 2349 + 55. Brenda Dixon Gottschild, The Black Dancing Body: A Geography from 2350 + Coon to Cool (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 2351 + 56. See Lewis, “Improvised Music after 1950.” Jeremy Grimshaw details the 2352 + influence of Indian classical music on Young in Draw a Straight Line and 2353 + Follow It: The Music and Mysticism of La Monte Young (New York: 2354 + Oxford University Press, 2011). Recent studies charting a distinct 2355 + lineage and theoretical framework for radical Black performance include 2356 + Malik Gaines, Black Performance on the Outskirts of the Left: A History of 2357 + the Impossible (New York: New York University Press, 2017), and Uri 2358 + McMillan, Embodied Avatars: Genealogies of Black Feminist Art and 2359 + Performance (New York: New York University Press, 2015). In the fields 2360 + of music studies, see Paul Steinbeck, Sound Experiments: The Music of 2361 + the AACM (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2022); Ana R. Alonso- 2362 + Minutti, Eduardo Herrera, and Alejandro L. Madrid, eds., 2363 + Experimentalisms in Practice: Music Perspectives from Latin America 2364 + (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018); Jairo Moreno, Sounding 2365 + Latin Music, Hearing the Americas (Chicago: University of Chicago 2366 + Press, 2023); William Sites, Sun Ra’s Chicago: Afrofuturism and the City 2367 + (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020); and Anna Gawboy, 2368 + “Theosophy and Esoteric Musical Modernism,” in A Cultural History of 2369 + Western Music, vol. 6, A Cultural History of Western Music in the Modern 2370 + Age, ed. William Cheng and Danielle Fosler-Lussier (London: 2371 + Bloomsbury, 2024). 2372 + 57. Eric Porter, “Jeanne Lee’s Voice,” Critical Studies in Improvisation 2, no. 2373 + 1 (2006), https://www.criticalimprov.com/index.php/csieci/article/ 2374 + view/53/185. 2375 + 58. Yvonne Rainer, Work 1961–1973 (Halifax: Press of the Nova Scotia 2376 + College of Art and Design, 1974), 46. See also Carrie Lambert-Beatty, 2377 + Being Watched: Yvonne Rainer and the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: MIT 2378 + Press, 2008). 2379 + 59. For more on dance scores of the 1960s and approaches to preserving and 2380 + reconstructing performance works, see Alison D’Amato, “Mobilizing the 2381 + Score: Generative Choreographic Structures, 1960–Present” (PhD diss., 2382 + University of California, Los Angeles, 2015); Megan Metcalf, “Making 2383 + the Museum Dance: Simone Forti’s Huddle (1961) and Its Acquisition by 2384 + the Museum of Modern Art,” Dance Chronicle 45, no. 1 (February 2022): 2385 + 30–56; and D’Amato’s and Metcalf’s contributions to Hanna B. Hölling, 2386 + ed., Object—Event—Performance: Art, Materiality, and Continuity since 2387 + the 1960s (New York: Bard Graduate Center, 2022). The Merce 2388 + Cunningham Trust has developed multimedia “dance capsules” to record 2389 + and transmit the choreographer’s repertoire (https://www 2390 + 2391 + 2392 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 63 2393 + .mercecunningham.org/the-work/dance-capsules/); another model 2394 + based on the work of Lucinda Childs is the digital publication A Steady 2395 + Pulse: Restaging Lucinda Childs, 1963–78, ed. Bill Bissell (Philadelphia: 2396 + Pew Center for Arts and Heritage, 2015), http://danceworkbook.pcah 2397 + .us/asteadypulse/. 2398 + 60. Diana Taylor, The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural 2399 + Memory in the Americas (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), 2400 + 16–33; and Peggy Phelan, “The Ontology of Performance: 2401 + Representation without Reproduction,” in Unmarked: The Politics of 2402 + Performance (New York: Routledge, 1993), 146. 2403 + 61. Knowles did not participate in Cage’s classes, but she absorbed detailed 2404 + accounts from her partner Dick Higgins while he was enrolled. Perhaps 2405 + fittingly in regard to Knowles’s ongoing engagement with food as 2406 + material, her relationship with Cage developed rather through their 2407 + mutual participation in the New York Mycological Society. 2408 + 62. As noted earlier, Higgins released re-editions of Luigi Russolo’s The Art of 2409 + Noise, Cowell’s New Musical Resources, and Richard Huelsenbeck’s 2410 + Dada Almanach through his publishing house, Something Else Press, 2411 + alongside prolific defenses of his peers’ work (see notes 12 and 14 2412 + above). 2413 + 63. See Allan Kaprow, “The Legacy of Jackson Pollock” (1958), among other 2414 + writings included in Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life, ed. Jeff Kelley 2415 + (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Dick Higgins, 2416 + “Intermedia” (1965–66), republished with commentary by Hannah 2417 + Higgins in Leonardo 34, no. 1 (2001): 49–54; and Dick Higgins, 2418 + “Statement on Intermedia” (1966), in Dé-coll/age 6, ed. Wolf Vostell 2419 + (1967), reprinted in Armstrong and Rothfuss, In the Spirit of Fluxus, 2420 + 172–73. 2421 + 64. This term was invented by George Maciunas to describe the event scores 2422 + of George Brecht. See Brecht, letter to Maciunas, circa 1963, Hanns 2423 + Sohm Archive, Staatsgalerie Stuttgart. 2424 + 65. Dick Higgins, “Exemplativist Manifesto” (1976), in A Dialectic of 2425 + Centuries: Notes towards a Theory of the New Arts (New York: Printed 2426 + Editions, 1978), 159; reprinted in Intermedia, Fluxus and the Something 2427 + Else Press: Selected Writings by Dick Higgins, ed. Steve Clay and Ken 2428 + Friedman (Catskill, NY: Siglio, 2018), 250. See also Harren, Fluxus 2429 + Forms, 1–26. 2430 + 66. Nam June Paik, “Expanded Education for the Paperless Society” (1968), 2431 + Radical Software 1, no. 1 (1970): 7–8. See also Astrit Schmidt- 2432 + Burkhardt, Maciunas’ Learning Machines: From Art History to a 2433 + Chronology of Fluxus (Berlin: Vice Versa Verlag, 2003). Harren, “Crux of 2434 + Fluxus.” 2435 + 2436 + 2437 + 2438 + 2439 + 64 Introduction 2440 + 67. Lawrence Halprin, The RSVP Cycles: Creative Processes in the Human 2441 + Environment (New York: G. Braziller, 1969). 2442 + 68. See Hal Foster, “The Crux of Minimalism,” in The Return of the Real: The 2443 + Avant-Garde at the End of the Century (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2444 + 1996), 35–68; and Harren, "Crux of Fluxus.” 2445 + 69. These debates over the correct recitation of English poetry were deeply 2446 + ideological and frequently deployed in service of ethnolinguistic 2447 + nationalist aims (for example, pitting “proper” English pronunciation 2448 + against regional variants and dialects). On enunciation contests in the 2449 + United States, see Nancy Glazener, Literature in the Making: A History of 2450 + U.S. Literary Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford 2451 + University Press, 2016), 95–106; and in England, see Mark S. Morrisson, 2452 + “Performing the Pure Voice: Elocution, Verse Recitation, and Modernist 2453 + Poetry in Prewar London,” Modernism/modernity 3, no. 3 (1996): 2454 + 25–50. On prosody as a site for debates over national culture, see 2455 + Meredith Martin, “Prosody Wars,” in Meter Matters: Verse Cultures of 2456 + the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Jason David Hall (Athens: Ohio 2457 + University Press, 2011), 237–61; and Meredith Martin, The Rise and Fall 2458 + of Meter: Poetry and English National Culture, 1860–1930 (Princeton, 2459 + NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012). On the rise of musical literacy in 2460 + the nineteenth century, see Leon Botstein, “Listening through Reading: 2461 + Musical Literacy and the Concert Audience,” 19th-Century Music 16, no. 2462 + 2, Music in Its Social Contexts (1992): 129–45. 2463 + 70. On deliberately prosaic works, see, for example, Charles Reznikoff’s 2464 + Testimony: The United States (1885–1915): Recitative (1934–78), 2465 + which was derived from archived courtroom transcripts; and the later 2466 + work of Laura (Riding) Jackson prior to her renunciation of all her poetic 2467 + works in 1938. See also John Hicks, “‘A Fairer House than Prose’: Verse 2468 + and Its Others in American Poetry, 1850–1950” (PhD diss., Cornell 2469 + University, 2012). 2470 + 71. Note also Al Filreis’s analysis of the Cold War context in which leftist 2471 + poets of the 1930s were deliberately excluded from the canons of 2472 + modernism that emerged from this 1950s version of modernism, which 2473 + valued difficult, challenging poems whose political ideas—whether 2474 + laudable or troubling—were obscured by the poetic impenetrability that 2475 + only the heroic professional reader/interpreter could decipher. Mac Low 2476 + is one of Filreis’s prime examples of an explicitly leftist poet who was 2477 + excluded from mainstream poetry publications as a result of his too- 2478 + transparent political commitments. Alan Filreis, Counter-Revolution of 2479 + the Word: The Conservative Attack on Modern Poetry, 1945–1960 2480 + (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 18–30 and 2481 + 240–41. 2482 + 2483 + 2484 + 2485 + 2486 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 65 2487 + 72. Robert Frost, in a televised reading and discussion for Pittsburgh’s 2488 + WQED, quoted in Newsweek, 30 January 1956, p. 56. 2489 + 73. Sidney Lanier, The Science of English Verse (New York: Scribner’s, 2490 + 1880). For the edition in archive.org, see https://archive.org/embed/ 2491 + scienceofenglish00laniiala. 2492 + 74. Harriet Monroe, “Rhythms of English Verse,” Poetry 3, no. 2 (November 2493 + 1913): 61–68; and continued in Poetry 3, no. 3 (December 1913): 2494 + 100–111. Full text issues of Poetry are available via the Modernist 2495 + Journals Project: https://modjourn.org. Further resources on quantity 2496 + are to be found under the word “quantity” in The New Princeton 2497 + Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, in Derek Attridge, Well-Weighed 2498 + Syllables: Elizabethan Verse in Classical Metres (New York: Cambridge 2499 + University Press, 1974), and in the first four chapters of John Hollander, 2500 + Vision and Resonance: Two Senses of Poetic Form (New York: Oxford 2501 + University Press, 1975), 3–90. 2502 + 75. Amy Lowell, “The Rhythms of Free Verse,” Dial 64 (17 January 1918): 2503 + 51–56. Lowell is responding to reviews of the second edition of William 2504 + Morrison Patterson’s The Rhythm of Prose: An Experimental 2505 + Investigation of Individual Difference in the Sense of Rhythm (New York: 2506 + Columbia University Press, 1917), in which he reverses, as a result of his 2507 + work with Lowell, his earlier stance and acknowledges a difference 2508 + between vers libre and prose. 2509 + 76. Kenneth Koch, “Fresh Air” (1955), in The New American Poetry, 2510 + 1945–1960, ed. Donald Allen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2511 + 1960), 229–35; and Amiri Baraka, from “Black Art,” in William J. Harris, 2512 + The LeRoi Jones / Amiri Baraka Reader (New York: Thunder’s Mouth 2513 + Press, 1991), 219. 2514 + 77. In a more Futurist, technological approach to reconceiving the 2515 + presentation of text in space and time, Robert Carlton Brown in 1930 2516 + proposed an optical reading device that would, in Jerome McGann’s 2517 + description, “provide the reader with the power to read in all directions 2518 + and at any speed, to change type size and type-face at will, to leap 2519 + forward or backward in the text: to browse, to speedread, to connect any 2520 + and all parts of the text in any and all ways,” and that “prophecies as well 2521 + the practical emergence of computerized word processing and 2522 + hypertextual fields.” Jerome McGann, Black Riders: The Visible 2523 + Language of Modernism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2524 + 1993), 81–87, here 84. 2525 + 78. Charles Olson, “Projective Verse” (1950) (Brooklyn, NY: Totem Press, 2526 + 1959). See also the discussion of Olson’s essay in Kotz, Words to Be 2527 + Looked At, 113–14. In broader terms, Kotz (Words to Be Looked At, 2528 + 99–135) contrasts open-field compositions with the urbane collages of 2529 + 2530 + 2531 + 2532 + 2533 + 66 Introduction 2534 + New York School poets in her discussion of John Ashbery’s The Tennis 2535 + Court Oath. 2536 + 79. See the preface to Augusto de Campos, Poetamenos (São Paulo: Edições 2537 + Invenção, 1973), where the poet explains how certain typographic 2538 + features such as spacing and the use of multicolored type are intended to 2539 + contribute to the compositions as visual works while also providing 2540 + guidance for an oral performance of the texts. 2541 + 80. See Nancy Perloff, Explodity: Sound, Image, and Word in Russian 2542 + Futurist Book Art (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2016); and the 2543 + exhibition Concrete Poetry: Words and Sounds in Graphic Space, Los 2544 + Angeles, Getty Research Institute, 28 March–30 July 2017, https:// 2545 + www.getty.edu/research/exhibitions_events/exhibitions/concrete 2546 + _poetry/index.html. 2547 + 81. See Aleca Le Blanc, “The Material of Form: How Concrete Artists 2548 + Responded to the Second Industrial Revolution in Latin America,” in Pia 2549 + Gottschaller and Aleca Le Blanc, Making Art Concrete: Works from 2550 + Argentina and Brazil in the Colección Patricia Phelps de Cisneros, exh. 2551 + cat. (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2017), 1–24. 2552 + 82. Emmett Williams, ed., An Anthology of Concrete Poetry (New York: 2553 + Something Else Press, 1967). 2554 + 83. Undergirding this in part was the popular mass media philosophy of 2555 + Marshall McLuhan, who helped artists imagine the utopian potential of 2556 + newly globalized intermedia communications uniting image, text, and 2557 + sound. See Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media: The Extensions of 2558 + Man (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), The Medium Is the Massage: An 2559 + Inventory of Effects (New York: Random House, 1967), and Verbi-Voco- 2560 + Visual Explorations (New York: Something Else Press, 1967). 2561 + 84. Among modernists, one exception to this absence of the imperative 2562 + mood would be the genre of the manifesto. See Mary Ann Caws, 2563 + Manifesto: A Century of Isms (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 2564 + Press, 2000); and Lawrence Rainey, Christine Poggi, and Laura Wittman, 2565 + eds., Futurism: An Anthology (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2566 + 2009). 2567 + 85. It is telling to observe where Lucy Lippard’s Six Years, a genre-defining 2568 + chronology of conceptual art, begins: with an event score by George 2569 + Brecht. Lucy Lippard, Six Years: The Dematerialization of the Art Object 2570 + from 1966 to 1972 (New York: Praeger, 1972). See also Kotz, Words to 2571 + Be Looked At; and Robinson, “From Abstraction to Model.” 2572 + 86. See, for example, Pavel Pys, “Momentary Arrest: Collecting 2573 + Interdisciplinary Artworks,” Walker Reader, 21 May 2020, https:// 2574 + walkerart.org/magazine/momentary-arrest-collecting-interdisciplinary 2575 + -artworks; Metcalf, "Making the Museum Dance”; Hölling, 2576 + Object–Event–Performance; and Hanna B. Hölling et al., eds., 2577 + 2578 + 2579 + Gallope, Harren, and Hicks 67 2580 + Performance: The Ethics and the Politics of Conservation and Care, vol. 1 2581 + (London: Routledge, 2023). 2582 + 2583 + 2584 + 2585 + 2586 + 68 Introduction 2587 + 1. Morton Feldman: Intersection 3 2588 + (1953) 2589 + 2590 + Michael Gallope 2591 + 2592 + 2593 + 2594 + 2595 + The score for Morton Feldman’s Intersection 3 (1953) is 2596 + exemplary among Feldman’s graph pieces of the 1950s, and 2597 + it stands as an early instance of experimental notation 2598 + among figures of the postwar avant-garde. In this 2599 + composition for solo piano, Feldman distributes numbers in 2600 + seven horizontal staves, each three squares tall and 2601 + spanning the length of an eleven-inch-long piece of graph 2602 + paper (fig. 1.1). On the horizontal axis, one graph space 2603 + equals one beat at 176 beats per minute (BPM). Vertically, 2604 + the notation directs the performer to play the number of 2605 + notes indicated by the numbers in each box. The three rows 2606 + of boxes correspond to three registers: low, medium, and 2607 + high. The exact pitches are left for the performer to decide. 2608 + David Tudor gave the piece’s premiere. Tudor and 2609 + Feldman had first met in 1950 through their mutual 2610 + acquaintances, the modernist émigrés Irma Wolpe 2611 + Rademacher and Stefan Wolpe. Feldman had studied 2612 + composition with Stefan, and Tudor had studied piano with 2613 + Irma. Tudor’s friendship with Feldman could be considered 2614 + formative (at least indirectly) for nearly all the works in The 2615 + Scores Project, for it was through Feldman that Tudor 2616 + properly met John Cage. In the early 1950s, the association 2617 + of Feldman, Cage, and Tudor, along with that of Earle Brown 2618 + and Christian Wolff, became known as the New York School 2619 + of composition, a group of independent-minded formalists 2620 + interested in chance, indeterminacy, experimentalism, and 2621 + graphic scores. They harbored philosophical interests that 2622 + ranged from the classics of philosophy to occult theosophy, 2623 + Jungian psychoanalysis, and Zen Buddhism. Not always 2624 + 2625 + ................ 2626 + getty.edu/publications/scores/01/ 69 2627 + Fig. 1.1 Morton Feldman (American, 1926–87). Intersection 3 with a 2628 + dedication to David Tudor, 1953. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor 2629 + Papers, 980039, box 9, folder 1. Intersection 3 by Morton Feldman © 1962 2630 + by C.F. Peters Corporation, New York. Permission by C.F. Peters 2631 + Corporation. All rights reserved. 2632 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/012/ 2633 + 2634 + 2635 + 2636 + 2637 + 70 Intersection 3 2638 + welcome within traditional musical institutions and social 2639 + circles, they also allied themselves with figures in the avant- 2640 + garde wings of the visual arts, theater, and dance. From 2641 + about 1951 through the early 1960s, Tudor functioned as 2642 + their iconic virtuoso, premiering nearly one hundred avant- 2643 + garde compositions to great acclaim (and frequent 2644 + controversy) across the United States, Europe, and Japan. 2645 + The origins of Intersection 3 can be traced to 2646 + December 1950, when Feldman first devised an early form 2647 + of indeterminate graph notation during a now legendary 2648 + dinner consisting solely of wild rice at Cage’s “Bozza 2649 + Mansion” apartment on the Lower East Side. Based on the 2650 + descriptions and memories of this event, scholars now 2651 + presume that the graph notation was some embryonic form 2652 + of Feldman’s Projection 1 (1950) for solo cello, one of his 2653 + earliest graph scores. In this score, there are three staves— 2654 + the highest indicating sounds played as harmonics, the 2655 + middle as pizzicato attacks, and the bottom as bowed or arco 2656 + notes. Rhythm is read proportionally from left to right, and 2657 + pitches are relatively open; Feldman implies a loose sense of 2658 + register, with each horizontal line designating the lowest 2659 + possible pitch (fig. 1.2). 2660 + For his premiere of Intersection 3, Tudor addressed 2661 + the openness of the graph notation by producing his first of 2662 + many “realizations”—a handwritten, personalized 2663 + performance score drafted on staff paper in relatively 2664 + traditional notation. In this realization, Tudor interpreted 2665 + each of Feldman’s boxed numbers (see fig. 1.1) as a 2666 + punctuated attack and added his own grace notes and 2667 + accessories. He translated the grid into traditional notation 2668 + horizontally, the jumping chords spread across the page 2669 + without bar lines (fig. 1.3).1 In the coming years, Tudor 2670 + would create many such realizations to facilitate his 2671 + performance of works compositions that broke with the 2672 + familiar conventions of Western musical notation. 2673 + The blistering tempo of 176 BPM makes Intersection 2674 + 3 especially challenging for performers. Tudor’s hands had 2675 + 2676 + Gallope 71 2677 + Fig. 1.2 Morton Feldman (American, 1926–87). Embryonic graph score, 2678 + likely for Feldman’s Projection 1, early 1950s. Getty Research Institute, 2679 + David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 9, folder 30. Projection 1 by Morton 2680 + Feldman © 1961 by C.F. Peters Corporation, New York. Permission by C.F. 2681 + Peters Corporation. All rights reserved. 2682 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/045/ 2683 + 2684 + 2685 + 2686 + 2687 + 72 Intersection 3 2688 + Fig. 1.3 David Tudor (American, 1926–96). Realization of Morton 2689 + Feldman’s Intersection 3, 1953. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor 2690 + Papers, 980039, box 9, folder 1. Intersection 3 by Morton Feldman © 1962 2691 + by C.F. Peters Corporation, New York. Permission by C.F. Peters 2692 + Corporation. All rights reserved. 2693 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/014/ 2694 + 2695 + 2696 + 2697 + 2698 + Gallope 73 2699 + to jump wildly across the keys in a manner than can only be 2700 + called virtuosic. During the 1950s, Tudor’s realization of this 2701 + piece exemplified his self-proclaimed aesthetic of “non- 2702 + continuity.”2 Each musical attack was jump-cut from the 2703 + prior; no temporal or expressive linearity joined the vertical 2704 + sonorities across time. Only numbers and squares, devoid of 2705 + precise meaning or expressive power, guided Tudor’s 2706 + choreography. Given that the music has no traditionally 2707 + audible syntax like tonal harmony and melody, his style of 2708 + performance exhibited a paradoxical drama for the audience: 2709 + never playing from memory, and always focused squarely on 2710 + the notation at the piano, he demonstrated his fidelity to the 2711 + score in part because there was no language-like or 2712 + traditionally expressive connection between these sounds. 2713 + Tudor’s way of doing so was deadpan, unfazed; he had a flair 2714 + for making the most mechanically disjointed sequence of 2715 + sounds dramatic by maintaining a cool and dispassionate 2716 + presence. He gave the audience numbered structures but 2717 + delivered them with a magnetic stoicism. 2718 + Both Feldman and Cage had concerns about leaving 2719 + things open to the performer.3 If performers are given 2720 + choices or multiple options, to what expectations would 2721 + they be held? Would an indeterminate score enhance the 2722 + performer’s agency at the expense of the composer and their 2723 + ideas, or of any regulative principle of discipline? This worry 2724 + was real for Cage and Feldman. In the case of a 1950s lead 2725 + sheet in jazz, a performer is expected to improvise variations 2726 + and manipulations of the head (the original melody and 2727 + harmony of the source song), but in Feldman’s avant-garde 2728 + works, improvisation was not the aim. Feldman wrote of his 2729 + use of indeterminacy: 2730 + 2731 + I had never thought of the graph as an art of 2732 + improvisation, but more as a totally abstract sonic 2733 + adventure. This realization was important because I 2734 + now understood that if the performers sounded bad 2735 + it was less because of their lapses of taste than 2736 + 2737 + 2738 + 74 Intersection 3 2739 + because I was still involved with passages and 2740 + continuity that allowed their presence to be felt.4 2741 + 2742 + It was a tension that would haunt Cage’s 2743 + indeterminate scores as well. A performer’s taste-driven 2744 + improvisation was considered dangerous; instead, the 2745 + performer should remain at one with the “abstract sonic 2746 + adventure” of the work. Feldman took a measure of 2747 + responsibility for ensuring against improvisation. In his 2748 + works, the indeterminacy should not leave space for 2749 + “passages and continuity” that would allow the work to 2750 + lapse into anything considered traditionally expressive. An 2751 + interest in guarding against expressive improvisations was 2752 + reflected in the composer’s use of impersonal formalisms in 2753 + his titles: projections, intersections, extensions, durations, 2754 + structures, and the like. 2755 + This is why it is all the more surprising to discover 2756 + that the composer’s approach to composition was in fact 2757 + quite nonsystematic, a quality that made him unusual among 2758 + modernist composers at midcentury. In the early 1950s, 2759 + composers such as Cage, Pierre Boulez, and Milton Babbitt 2760 + made use of elaborate pre-compositional materials, some of 2761 + which involved complex calculations, transformations, 2762 + manipulations of tone rows, and matrices of numbers. By 2763 + contrast, Feldman eschewed each of these methods; there 2764 + are no intricate preconceived compositional procedures 2765 + lying behind Intersection 3. Famously, Feldman claimed to 2766 + be guided primarily by intuition. As Cage once affectionately 2767 + remarked: “Isn’t that marvelous. Isn’t that wonderful. It’s so 2768 + beautiful, and he doesn’t know how he made it.”5 2769 + What influenced Feldman’s intuitionism? A creature 2770 + of New York’s burgeoning downtown scene, in the early 2771 + 1950s he became closely acquainted with an array of 2772 + abstract expressionist painters. Engaging in repeated happy 2773 + hours with Cage at the storied Cedar Tavern in Greenwich 2774 + Village, Feldman became friends with figures such as Philip 2775 + Guston, Willem de Kooning, Franz Kline, and Jackson 2776 + 2777 + 2778 + Gallope 75 2779 + Pollock. The abstract expressionists were formalists, but in a 2780 + way that was more or less consonant with Clement 2781 + Greenberg’s conception of modernism, a position that 2782 + emerged in Greenberg’s writings throughout the 1950s. 2783 + That is, their pictures allowed paint to be paint—to let the 2784 + medium speak its own sui generis language—while still 2785 + maintaining a dialectical link to properties of the subject: 2786 + expression, intuition, and so forth. In interviews and essays, 2787 + Feldman’s formalism emphasizes a similarly Greenbergian 2788 + conception of sound. In a way that was equally indebted to 2789 + the work of one of his mentors, Edgard Varèse, Feldman was 2790 + interested in the materiality of letting sounds be themselves 2791 + and not imposing anything too systematic on them 2792 + (including narrative, tonality, expressive intentions, or any 2793 + kind of harmonic or melodic “representation” of emotion). 2794 + In retrospect, Feldman saw vivid parallels between 2795 + the compositional approach to the graph and Pollock’s 2796 + “allover” approach to painting—both of which reflected a 2797 + “visual rhythmic structure.” As he put it later in his career: 2798 + 2799 + I realize now how much the musical ideas I had in 2800 + 1951 paralleled [Pollock’s] mode of working. Pollock 2801 + placed his canvas on the ground and painted as he 2802 + walked around it. I put sheets of graph paper on the 2803 + wall; each sheet framed the same time duration and 2804 + was, in effect, a visual rhythmic structure. What 2805 + resembled Pollock was my “allover” approach to the 2806 + time-canvas. Rather than the usual left-to-right 2807 + passage across the page, the horizontal squares of 2808 + the graph paper represented the tempo—with each 2809 + box equal to a preestablished ictus; and the vertical 2810 + squares were the instrumentation of the 2811 + composition.6 2812 + 2813 + Pollock and Feldman’s shared “allover” aesthetic 2814 + holds for the composer’s traditionally notated works in a 2815 + different manner, perhaps more outwardly. Many of 2816 + Feldman’s subsequent works were quiet, long, and built 2817 + 2818 + 76 Intersection 3 2819 + upon delicately undulating repetitions of colorful sonorities. 2820 + In particular, the composer’s iconic use of a steadily quiet 2821 + dynamic level—something that applies not often to 2822 + Intersection 3 but to most of his other work—could be taken 2823 + as a sonic analogue to Greenbergian flatness. His colleague 2824 + and friend Earle Brown described it evocatively: 2825 + 2826 + It strikes me that Feldman’s music is the music of an 2827 + imagist. His music from the early fifties until now 2828 + has—kind of—the same image as Rothko’s 2829 + paintings, working with different colors and 2830 + orchestrations of a singular and single image.7 2831 + 2832 + The visuality of Feldman’s Greenbergian formalism 2833 + could have philosophical significance in echoing the 2834 + midcentury fashion for non-intentionality, expression, and 2835 + the rejection of all that was tainted by traditional practices of 2836 + composition. Feldman, like Pollock and many others at the 2837 + time, had taken up an interest in Jungian psychoanalysis. 2838 + And Cage himself once described Feldman’s interest in 2839 + strikingly metaphysical terms as a deep unconscious flux 2840 + akin to the cyclical and ephemeral temporality of nature. In 2841 + his 1958 lecture “Indeterminacy,” Cage imaginatively fuses 2842 + the two together by describing Feldman’s creativity as akin 2843 + to a “dead” state or “deep sleep” devoid of the ego’s 2844 + intentionality: 2845 + 2846 + One evening Morton Feldman said that when he 2847 + composed he was dead; this recalls to me the 2848 + statement of my father, an inventor, who says he 2849 + does his best work when he is sound asleep. The two 2850 + suggest the “deep sleep” of Indian mental practice. 2851 + The ego no longer blocks action. A fluency obtains 2852 + which is characteristic of nature. The seasons make 2853 + the round of spring, summer, fall, and winter, 2854 + interpreted in Indian thought as creation, 2855 + preservation, destruction, and quiescence. Deep 2856 + 2857 + 2858 + 2859 + Gallope 77 2860 + sleep is comparable to quiescence. Each spring 2861 + brings no matter what eventuality.8 2862 + 2863 + Feldman’s creative method may have been allied 2864 + with a metaphysical drive toward quiescence, but the 2865 + surrounding social world was loud. During performances of 2866 + avant-garde works like Intersection 3, audiences and critics 2867 + could become irate at the loss of reliability, and at the 2868 + looming threat of fraudulence, at the general threat of 2869 + abstract techniques, technologies, and new forms of art 2870 + eliminating traditionally expressive goals and any shared 2871 + criteria for judging good from bad. Scores such as 2872 + Intersection 3 (alongside the occasional explanatory 2873 + program note) confronted audiences and critics with a 2874 + shocking emptiness: the impersonal yet idiosyncratic 2875 + language of formalism. As a result, many people publicly 2876 + debated what was left of the score’s normative boundaries. 2877 + In the process, the thoughts expressed by these observers 2878 + became much less perfunctory. Those with a conservative 2879 + orientation toward music, such as the critic and musicologist 2880 + Paul Henry Lang—who once described a 1960 concert by 2881 + Tudor of avant-garde works as an “outrageous travesty”— 2882 + could find themselves in an outright moral panic.9 2883 + This confrontational reception was far from an 2884 + accidental by-product of Feldman’s notational experiments. 2885 + In a letter to Tudor, Feldman describes his compositional 2886 + thinking around Intersection 3 in stark terms: he writes that 2887 + it embodies an Artaud-like “blackness”—“like violently 2888 + boiling water in some monstrous kettle” (fig. 1.4). If by 2889 + “violently boiling water” Feldman is intentionally referring to 2890 + the clamor he heard in Tudor’s legendary American premiere 2891 + of Boulez’s wildly aggressive and dissonant Second Sonata 2892 + (1948), one certainly hears echoes of it in Intersection 3. 2893 + Like Boulez’s music, Feldman’s is impersonally formalized 2894 + and disciplined, almost as if one is disciplining oneself into 2895 + insanity. Maintaining those tensions—violence and 2896 + impersonal order fused together in the form of a prestigious 2897 + 2898 + 2899 + 78 Intersection 3 2900 + Fig. 1.4 Letter from Morton Feldman to David Tudor, 15 June 1953. Getty 2901 + Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 53, folder 7. Courtesy 2902 + of the Morton Feldman Estate. 2903 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/021/ 2904 + 2905 + 2906 + 2907 + 2908 + Gallope 79 2909 + and sober event—captures a key theme of their aesthetic. It 2910 + makes plain why Tudor was so important to the history of the 2911 + midcentury avant-garde. His pianism kept the ship moving, 2912 + and the legitimacy of his performances steadied it in a 2913 + hurricane of norm-breaking. Composers, critics, and 2914 + audiences came to trust him amid the chaos. 2915 + 2916 + Notes 2917 + 2918 + 1. In this realization of Intersection 3, Tudor’s interpretation of low, 2919 + medium, and high is somewhat loose; his chosen pitches don’t always 2920 + fall within three mutually exclusive registers. He also used this realization 2921 + for two commercial recordings, as well as for subsequent performances 2922 + between 1954 and 1960. 2923 + 2. See Antonin Artaud, “Affective Athleticism,” in The Theater and Its 2924 + Double (New York: Grove Press, 1958), 133–41. 2925 + 3. Feldman’s use of indeterminacy was a radical proposition when one 2926 + recalls that Cage would not risk producing a thoroughly indeterminate 2927 + score until his Winter Music (1957). 2928 + 4. Morton Feldman, “Liner Notes” (1962), in Give My Regards to Eighth 2929 + Street (Cambridge, MA: Exact Change, 2000), 6. 2930 + 5. Cage, quoted in Feldman, “Liner Notes,” 5. 2931 + 6. Morton Feldman, “Crippled Symmetry” (1981), in Give My Regards to 2932 + Eighth Street, 147. 2933 + 7. Earle Brown, interview by Peter Dickinson, 1 July 1987, Rye, New York, 2934 + in CageTalk: Dialogues with and about John Cage, ed. Peter Dickinson 2935 + (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2006), 141. 2936 + 8. John Cage, “Indeterminacy” (1958), in Silence: Lectures and Writings by 2937 + John Cage (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), 37. 2938 + 9. Paul Henry Lang, “What Is Offered by the Electronic Age?,” New York 2939 + Herald Tribune, 10 April 1960. 2940 + 2941 + 2942 + 2943 + 2944 + 80 Intersection 3 2945 + 2. John Cage: Concert for Piano 2946 + and Orchestra (1958) 2947 + 2948 + Michael Gallope 2949 + Nancy Perloff 2950 + 2951 + 2952 + 2953 + John Cage’s Concert for Piano and Orchestra (1958) is a 2954 + unique work in his oeuvre because of its association not only 2955 + with the composer himself but also with David Tudor’s 2956 + extensive role in realizing and performing the part of the 2957 + Concert intended for the solo pianist, which Cage titled the 2958 + Solo for Piano. What, might we ask, is so unusual and 2959 + unprecedented about the Concert’s Solo for Piano, and how 2960 + do we understand its great appeal for Tudor? 2961 + To begin, the Solo for Piano represented, at the time, 2962 + Cage’s most elaborate and complex use of indeterminacy in 2963 + performance. As he said in his lecture “Indeterminacy,” the 2964 + second of three talks delivered under the title “Composition 2965 + as Process” in Darmstadt, Germany, in September 1958: 2966 + 2967 + A performance of a composition which is 2968 + indeterminate of its performance is necessarily 2969 + unique. It cannot be repeated. When performed a 2970 + second time, the outcome is other than it was. 2971 + Nothing is accomplished by such a performance, 2972 + since that performance cannot be grasped as an 2973 + object in time.1 2974 + 2975 + To make compositions that reflected these ideals, 2976 + Cage developed complex and visually striking notations that 2977 + distanced performers from the intention-driven principles 2978 + that had heretofore guided Western music. As James 2979 + Pritchett has argued, the crucial principles of indeterminacy 2980 + were (1) experimental—involving actions with unforeseen 2981 + outcomes such that a performance “cannot be repeated” or 2982 + “grasped as an object”; (2) purposeless—as in a 2983 + 2984 + ................ 2985 + getty.edu/publications/scores/02/ 81 2986 + “purposeless process” that gives rise to “no matter what 2987 + eventuality,” in which “nothing is accomplished”; and (3) 2988 + unknowing—“by employing some operation exterior to [the 2989 + performer’s] mind.”2 All were central to Cage’s work after 2990 + 1950, which was recognized for its experimental procedures 2991 + that resulted in unique and unpredictable events, for its 2992 + commitment to the “purposeless” quality of a music 2993 + divorced from the aims of individual expression, and for its 2994 + Zen-infused philosophy that grounded Cage’s compositional 2995 + technique in the impersonal forces of nature.3 2996 + If Cage’s philosophy is well-known, it is less often 2997 + remarked that Tudor played a crucial role in the development 2998 + of Cage’s turn to indeterminacy. Like Tudor and Morton 2999 + Feldman (see chapter 1), the first meeting of Tudor and Cage 3000 + was auspicious. On 17 December 1950, in New York, Tudor 3001 + gave the U.S. premiere performance of Pierre Boulez’s 3002 + Second Sonata (1948), a technically demanding piece that 3003 + extended the dissonant atonality associated with composers 3004 + such as Arnold Schoenberg and Anton Webern into an 3005 + aggressive, large-scale composition. As a result of this 3006 + premiere, Tudor began to develop a reputation as an 3007 + exceptionally talented performer of difficult modern music, a 3008 + reputation that would prove significant to the notoriety of 3009 + the postwar musical avant-garde. Cage, who turned pages 3010 + for Tudor at the premiere, was himself electrified by the 3011 + performance. The following year, Cage, feeling inspired, 3012 + embarked on a monumental solo piano work for Tudor titled 3013 + Music of Changes.4 Recalling this early collaboration, Cage 3014 + noted: 3015 + 3016 + In all my works since 1952, I have tried to achieve 3017 + what would seem interesting and vibrant to David 3018 + Tudor. Whatever succeeds in the works I have done 3019 + has been determined in relationship to him. . . . Tudor 3020 + was present in everything I was doing. . . . At that 3021 + time [1951], he was the Music of Changes.5 3022 + 3023 + 3024 + 3025 + 82 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3026 + Fig. 2.1 John Cage and David Tudor in the Tôkei-ji Temple Garden, 3027 + Kanazawa, Japan, 1962. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 3028 + 980039, box 160. Photographer: © Matsuzaki Kunitoshi. Courtesy of the 3029 + John Cage Trust. 3030 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/133/ 3031 + 3032 + 3033 + 3034 + 3035 + Gallope and Perloff 83 3036 + Tudor learned each section of Music of Changes as 3037 + soon as Cage completed it, thus confirming that the notation 3038 + was playable. The correspondence between the two offers a 3039 + vivid chronicle of their collaboration, which fostered a long- 3040 + lasting friendship (fig. 2.1). A letter from Tudor to Cage in 3041 + late July 1951 questions and seeks to verify numerous 3042 + technical details with respect to pedaling: 3043 + 3044 + A few things I would like to check: . . . what are the 3045 + exact functions you had in mind for the pedals . . . ; 3046 + what about the inclusion in the pedals of the graces 3047 + D + A p. 5 4s. [4th system]; are the 4 16ths top p. 6 3048 + correct (I hope so!); to which group does the 2nd ½ 3049 + pedal belong p.7 3s. 1m., ffff or ppp-pppp . . . . I have 3050 + revised the pedaling considerably, we’ll see how you 3051 + like it.6 3052 + 3053 + Cage’s reply, dated 5 August 1951 (fig. 2.2), shows 3054 + not only the depth of his personal attachment (“Your letter 3055 + has given me much pleasure, how much exactly I cannot say 3056 + as I’ve lost count of the number of times I’ve reread it”) but 3057 + also his technical vigilance in addressing every detailed 3058 + question Tudor had posed. From Tudor’s intimate yet 3059 + assertive queries, one gets a sense that he was not merely a 3060 + performer who was capable of serving as a dutiful interpreter 3061 + but also keen on making significant musical choices of his 3062 + own. In his preface to Music of Changes, Cage concluded 3063 + that such a bond of trust had become necessary in order for 3064 + Tudor to decipher the complex score he had devised: “It will 3065 + be found in many places that the notation is irrational; in 3066 + such instances the performer is to employ his own 3067 + discretion.”7 3068 + At the end of his August reply, Cage writes that a 3069 + performance of Music of Changes should be guided by a 3070 + principle of radical discontinuity: “The guiding principle for 3071 + performance should be to act so that each action is itself 3072 + (that means infinitely different and incomparable, single, 3073 + never before or later to occur, so that each moment makes 3074 + 3075 + 84 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3076 + Fig. 2.2 Letter from John Cage to David Tudor, 1951. Getty Research 3077 + Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 7, folder 7. Courtesy of the 3078 + John Cage Trust. 3079 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/124/ 3080 + 3081 + 3082 + 3083 + 3084 + Gallope and Perloff 85 3085 + history).”8 Cage’s statement is emblematic of his famous 3086 + turn during this same year—1951—to chance operations. In 3087 + preparing Music of Changes for Tudor, Cage created a chart 3088 + of various sounds (single notes, two pitches, chords, larger 3089 + constellations of pitches, and silences), a set of possible 3090 + durations, and a chart of different dynamic values. A coin 3091 + toss determined numbers that corresponded to hexagrams in 3092 + the I Ching, the ancient Chinese divination text that was 3093 + translated into English as Book of Changes. Such hexagrams 3094 + in turn pointed to different combinations of sounds, 3095 + durations, and dynamics that Cage would then sequence 3096 + together in the score. 3097 + While the compositional process was chance-based, 3098 + Music of Changes is a fully notated score that remains 3099 + relatively fixed from one performance to the next.9 As his 3100 + chance-derived compositions developed in the 1950s, Cage 3101 + expanded upon his aesthetic of non-intentionality by 3102 + inventing a wealth of more or less indeterminate musical 3103 + notations. For the Solo for Piano, he devised visually 3104 + complex “graphs” (as he called them) that gave Tudor room 3105 + to interpret imaginative hand-drawn diagrams, navigate 3106 + ambiguous and often convoluted instructions, choose which 3107 + graphs to play and when, and, in some instances, determine 3108 + what to play by using secondary calculations or realizations. 3109 + Some of the graphs for Solo for Piano were entirely new; 3110 + others Cage reworked from scores from the 1950s, including 3111 + the Music for Piano series (1952–56), Winter Music (1957), 3112 + and Variations I (1958), all of which were written for Tudor. 3113 + A sheet from the score shows two of Cage’s graphs for the 3114 + Solo for Piano, each identified by a letter of the alphabet (D 3115 + and Z) (fig. 2.3). 3116 + In all, the Solo for Piano contains eighty-four graphs 3117 + distributed across sixty-three pages, with some graphs 3118 + stretching over two or three pages. Cage deliberately chose 3119 + this multiplicity and maximal information to diffuse his own 3120 + compositional agency and to produce a highly abstract and 3121 + esoteric composition devoid of traditionally expressive 3122 + 3123 + 86 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3124 + Fig. 2.3 David Tudor’s copy of John Cage’s Solo for Piano that features 3125 + Graphs D and Z, from Concert for Piano and Orchestra, 1957–58. Getty 3126 + Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 176, folders 1, 2. 3127 + Solo for Piano by John Cage © 1960 by Henmar Press Inc. Permission by 3128 + C.F. Peters Corporation. All rights reserved. 3129 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/060/#fig-060-an 3130 + 3131 + 3132 + 3133 + 3134 + Gallope and Perloff 87 3135 + audible patterns and repetitions. The resultant stack of 3136 + pages is also a complex physical object, like a thick deck of 3137 + playing cards, only here the cards measure 11 by 17 inches. 3138 + For this reason, the sheets are nearly impossible to view as a 3139 + totality. Physically handling the score—shuffling it, 3140 + recombining it, marveling at its many intricacies—these 3141 + actions mirror, from a visual and tactile perspective, the 3142 + indeterminacy of the work. 3143 + This indeterminacy is reflected outside the solo part 3144 + as well. A traditional score reads from left to right and can be 3145 + bound in a fixed order like a book, but Cage’s Concert has no 3146 + full orchestral score, only separate parts—the sixty-three 3147 + pages of the Solo for Piano, thirteen instrumental parts, and 3148 + a separate part for the conductor. Each instrumental part is 3149 + twelve pages in length and features isolated note heads that 3150 + indicate individual attacks, many of which are subject to 3151 + extended techniques (for example, playing with open spit 3152 + valves, disconnecting tuning slides, slapping keys, and 3153 + singing or gurgling through an instrument). Cage left the 3154 + timing open and allowed his performers to play any, all, or 3155 + none of the notations in the score. Meanwhile, the 3156 + conductor’s part calls for, among other instructions, circling 3157 + one’s arms in order to keep clock time for an agreed-upon 3158 + performance length. This role was first undertaken by the 3159 + dancer and choreographer Merce Cunningham, who served 3160 + as conductor for the premiere on 15 May 1958, at New 3161 + York’s Town Hall (fig. 2.4). 3162 + In a manner that mirrors his realizations for 3163 + Feldman’s graph-paper scores of the early 1950s (see 3164 + chapter 1), Tudor devised detailed realizations of the graphs 3165 + in the Solo for Piano for the premiere, and he invented a 3166 + visual notation that mixed traditional musical notation with 3167 + his own customized system (see Score section). In preparing 3168 + his realizations, Tudor began by making sketches of 3169 + individual graphs in pencil, then copying them as polished 3170 + performance scores onto small card stock manuscript paper. 3171 + Finally, he assembled sequences of the graphs that would 3172 + 3173 + 88 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3174 + Fig. 2.4 Merce Cunningham conducting John Cage’s Concert for Piano 3175 + and Orchestra at Town Hall, New York, NY, 15 May 1958. Courtesy of the 3176 + Merce Cunningham Trust. 3177 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/134/ 3178 + 3179 + 3180 + 3181 + 3182 + Gallope and Perloff 89 3183 + conform to agreed-upon lengths of time for a given 3184 + performance. The result was a relatively conventional 3185 + performance score with a determined length. 3186 + In the Playback section for this chapter are a variety 3187 + of items that correspond to Tudor’s realization of Cage’s 3188 + Solo for Piano. Among them is a curated selection of five of 3189 + Cage’s graphs—J, K, T, AY, and CE—which were chosen 3190 + because they exemplified both Tudor’s pianistic virtuosity 3191 + and Cage’s compositional and notational intricacy. In each of 3192 + these items, Cage’s original graph is included along with its 3193 + instructions, paired with Tudor’s corresponding realization 3194 + for the 1958 premiere. (Tudor’s realization is notable for its 3195 + almost theatrical foregrounding of his pianism.) By way of a 3196 + simple animation, the esoteric notations are made accessible 3197 + to users who may have only a limited familiarity with 3198 + traditional Western musical notation. In addition to these 3199 + five curated graphs, we have included in the Playback 3200 + section a flipbook that features the entire performance of 3201 + Tudor’s first realization. In real time as Tudor is performing, 3202 + the flipbook simultaneously opens the corresponding graphs 3203 + from Solo for Piano and from Tudor’s corresponding 3204 + realization. 3205 + Following the first performances of the Concert, 3206 + Tudor produced a second and far sparser realization of the 3207 + Solo for Piano in 1959. His process for creating this second 3208 + realization was probably the most labor intensive of any for 3209 + Cage’s scores. Tudor culled all the single attacks from his 3210 + first realization and, using a second run of chance 3211 + procedures, spread them out into a vast, deserted, nearly 3212 + silent, and impersonal landscape of ninety minutes. He 3213 + fastidiously transcribed these various attacks into a 3214 + performance score in proportional notation, a notation 3215 + without traditional meter or rhythm in which a designated 3216 + length of a staff in space corresponds to a particular duration 3217 + (in this case, each page was equal to one minute) (fig. 2.5). 3218 + The result is much less virtuosic than the first realizations. 3219 + Cage and Tudor used this second realization for their 3220 + 3221 + 90 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3222 + landmark recording Indeterminacy (1959), which featured 3223 + stories read by Cage at varying speed alongside Tudor’s 3224 + performance of the solo. 3225 + These are two entirely different realizations of the 3226 + same work—two among many other possible realizations. It 3227 + is the kind of open-endedness that could easily cause 3228 + philosophers to puzzle over the fundamental questions of a 3229 + work’s ontology. In his landmark book Languages of Art 3230 + (1968), the philosopher Nelson Goodman cites the most 3231 + indeterminate of Cage’s graphs in the Solo for Piano to 3232 + question the limits of a performer’s compliance to the 3233 + symbolic capacities of the musical score.10 Goodman’s 3234 + prescriptions for notation are exacting. His analysis of graph 3235 + BB states that Cage’s instructions for measuring the 3236 + distances of the five perpendiculars lack a precise unit and 3237 + are thus too ambiguous to be properly notational. But 3238 + philosophers were not the only ones to debate the work’s 3239 + porous and ambiguous ontology. In newspaper reviews of 3240 + the Concert, one can find middlebrow critics grappling with 3241 + the oddity of such a piece. Reviewers, not always interested 3242 + in the esotericism of chance procedures, often focused on 3243 + the sensory impact of Cage’s works from the 1950s, 3244 + associating it with violence, wrestling matches, psychosis, 3245 + comedy, childlike outbursts, or even the advent of a nihilistic 3246 + age. 3247 + Far from being considered controversial reviews, 3248 + however, such receptions of Cage’s works (including others 3249 + featured in The Scores Project) could be read as a reflection 3250 + of the powerful influence of Antonin Artaud’s “Theater of 3251 + Cruelty” on both Tudor and Cage during the 1950s—an 3252 + avant-garde aesthetic exemplified by the non-normative, 3253 + violent, and destructive carnality of life, and remembered 3254 + widely for its impact on performance art at midcentury. 3255 + Artaud’s influence on their collaboration was significant. It 3256 + came first through Tudor via his preparation for the American 3257 + premiere of Boulez’s Second Sonata (a work that was itself 3258 + inspired by Artaud), and was further developed by Cage in 3259 + 3260 + Gallope and Perloff 91 3261 + Fig. 2.5 David Tudor preparing his second realization of John Cage’s Solo 3262 + for Piano, 1958. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, 3263 + box 158. 3264 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/131/ 3265 + 3266 + 3267 + 3268 + 3269 + 92 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3270 + the dissonant landscape of Music of Changes, and through 3271 + the multisensory disorder of the famous 1952 “happening” 3272 + at Black Mountain College that came to be known as Theater 3273 + Piece No. 1. With this in mind, we invite readers to 3274 + contemplate these reviews not as evidence of the Concert’s 3275 + history of controversial reception but as part of an extended 3276 + ontology of a multifaceted work that is as often legislated 3277 + and decided by critics, audiences, and various compliant or 3278 + disobedient collaborators as it would be by a philosopher. In 3279 + other words, the fact that people disagreed about the 3280 + music’s significance is, in our view, essential to the identity 3281 + of the indeterminate work. What makes it striking and 3282 + successful is that the Concert continued to serve as a 3283 + magnet for audiences, artists, dancers, and others alike. 3284 + Beyond the newspaper reviews, we have included a 3285 + variety of other materials pertinent to Cage’s Concert. This 3286 + includes Tudor’s sketches for his realizations of each of the 3287 + curated graphs as well as various sequences of the graphs 3288 + for his versions of the first realization for performances of 3289 + different lengths, many of which were designed to mesh 3290 + structural clock time with dances by Merce Cunningham. (In 3291 + particular, the Concert was performed between 1958 and 3292 + 1960 to accompany Cunningham’s vaudevillian work Antic 3293 + Meet.) For these performances, Tudor, like Cage, re- 3294 + sequenced his existing realizations of individual graphs to 3295 + meet the agreed-upon time length for Cunningham’s dances. 3296 + We have also included a selection of pertinent 3297 + correspondence between Tudor, Cage, and M. C. Richards, 3298 + who was Tudor’s partner during the period and a translator 3299 + of Artaud’s writings into English. Indeed, this reminds us 3300 + that given the varied audiences of Cage’s iconic works from 3301 + midcentury, the Concert should be read not simply toward a 3302 + pious view of what constitutes a correct performance of 3303 + Cage’s work but in the full richness of its provocative 3304 + multiplicity, and in a way that crosses the boundaries of 3305 + different media. 3306 + 3307 + 3308 + 3309 + Gallope and Perloff 93 3310 + Notes 3311 + 3312 + 1. John Cage, “Indeterminacy” (1958), in Silence: Lectures and Writings by 3313 + John Cage (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), 39. 3314 + 2. Cage, “Indeterminacy,” 38–39. For Pritchett’s account, see James 3315 + Pritchett, The Music of John Cage (Cambridge: Cambridge University 3316 + Press), 76–78. 3317 + 3. For a critical view of Cage’s claims to have channeled the forces of 3318 + nature, see Benjamin Piekut, “Chance and Certainty: John Cage’s 3319 + Politics of Nature,” Cultural Critique, no. 84 (2013): 134–63. 3320 + 4. See, for example, Cage’s letter to Boulez on the day following the 3321 + premiere of Second Sonata, in The Selected Letters of John Cage, ed. 3322 + Laura Kuhn (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2016), 3323 + 139–41. 3324 + 5. Daniel Charles, For the Birds: John Cage in Conversation with Daniel 3325 + Charles (Boston: Marion Boyars Publishers, 1981), 178. 3326 + 6. David Tudor to John Cage, late July 1951, in Martin Iddon, ed., John Cage 3327 + and David Tudor: Correspondence on Interpretation and Performance 3328 + (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 18. 3329 + 7. John Cage, preface to Music of Changes (New York: Henmar Press, 3330 + 1961). 3331 + 8. John Cage to David Tudor, 1952, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 7, 3332 + folder 7, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 3333 + 9. See Pritchett, Music of John Cage, 108. 3334 + 10. Nelson Goodman, Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of 3335 + Symbols (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968), 187–90. 3336 + 3337 + 3338 + 3339 + 3340 + 94 Concert for Piano and Orchestra 3341 + 3. Sylvano Bussotti: Five Piano 3342 + Pieces for David Tudor (1959) 3343 + 3344 + Michael Gallope 3345 + 3346 + 3347 + 3348 + 3349 + Sylvano Bussotti’s Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor (1959) 3350 + may be better known for its visual appearance than for its 3351 + sound in performance. The striking notation for No. 4 (fig. 3352 + 3.1) was reproduced in print reviews of David Tudor’s 3353 + performance, and two decades later it appeared at the front 3354 + of the introduction to Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s 3355 + encyclopedic Mille Plateaux (1980). Bussotti’s score is wild, 3356 + inventive, and highly memorable; stretched across five 3357 + staves, all the usual rules and parameters appear to have 3358 + been scrambled. Ink pools inexplicably in various holes 3359 + created by a tangle of curved lines. With so much called into 3360 + question, by what rules and expectations might this 3361 + composition be adequately performed? 3362 + A percocious young composer when he wrote this 3363 + score in 1959, Bussotti, like many European enthusiasts of 3364 + contemporary music, was revolutionized by witnessing 3365 + Tudor and John Cage promote their use of indeterminate 3366 + scores at the Darmstadt Summer Course in 1958. 3367 + Eschewing the high-modernist formalism associated with 3368 + the more systematic procedures of the twelve-tone method, 3369 + Bussotti set his imagination free and allowed the inky 3370 + density of his score to explode in expressionistic directions 3371 + in a way that upended the usual rules of interpretation. In the 3372 + process, he deployed his talents as a visual artist in the 3373 + media of drawing and painting and reimagined the score as 3374 + an inventive form of visual art. He recast note heads, grace 3375 + notes, accidentals, fermatas, and a handful of 3376 + unconventional musical signs into imaginatively designed 3377 + assemblages. The tangled, curvilinear forms at the center of 3378 + 3379 + ................ 3380 + getty.edu/publications/scores/03/ 95 3381 + Fig. 3.1 David Tudor’s personal copy of No. 4 from Sylvano Bussotti’s Five 3382 + Piano Pieces for David Tudor, with pencil annotations by Tudor, as found in 3383 + loose pages from Bussotti’s Pièces de chair II, 1958–60. Getty Research 3384 + Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 3. Used by 3385 + permission of Hal Leonard. 3386 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/159/#fig-159-am 3387 + 3388 + 3389 + 3390 + 3391 + 96 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3392 + the score for No. 4 (see fig. 3.1) was a repurposed drawing of 3393 + Bussotti’s from 1949 that he then superimposed onto an 3394 + array of staves. The scores for his subsequent compositions, 3395 + notably his chamber opera La Passion selon sade (1965), 3396 + aggregated musical symbols into faces, images, inventive 3397 + calligraphy, and labyrinthine diagrams. His graphic scores 3398 + render the conventional transparency of musical notation 3399 + opaque and spur the performer to experiment to find an 3400 + acceptable method of execution. 3401 + Bussotti philosophized in striking terms about these 3402 + notational innovations. After traveling to Paris in 1956 to 3403 + study composition, he met an important colleague of the 3404 + philosopher Theodor Adorno, the young composer and critic 3405 + Heinz-Klaus Metzger, who introduced him to the basics of 3406 + Adorno’s dialectical method of negative critique, which 3407 + emphasized the importance of fracturing historical 3408 + techniques and forms. Under Metzger’s musical and 3409 + intellectual influence, Bussotti began to describe his own 3410 + compositional approach as a dialectical humanism, one that 3411 + sought to preserve expression, excess, emotion, and 3412 + sentimentality against the high-modernist fashions for 3413 + formalism.1 A second influence was Antonin Artaud, whose 3414 + “Theater of Cruelty” was popular and well-known among 3415 + avant-gardists of the 1950s and ’60s, particularly Pierre 3416 + Boulez, Tudor, and Cage.2 As scholars have noted, 3417 + Bussotti’s expressionistic humanism also paralleled his 3418 + unique relationship to his own homosexuality. Unlike other 3419 + queer composers of the midcentury avant-garde who were 3420 + more or less reserved about their sexuality—most famously 3421 + Cage and Boulez—Bussotti was flamboyant and relatively 3422 + open about his desires in ways that challenged social norms 3423 + of the late 1950s.3 3424 + In line with his expressionistic and visual approach to 3425 + indeterminate scores, and at a marked remove from many of 3426 + Morton Feldman’s and Cage’s experimental scores of the 3427 + 1950s, Bussotti’s Five Piano Pieces went so far as to try to 3428 + surpass formalisms. The five pieces are solo piano extracts 3429 + 3430 + Gallope 97 3431 + from Pièces de chair II (1958–60), a larger cycle of twenty- 3432 + seven songs for piano, baritone, female voice, and other 3433 + instruments.4 The guidelines for decoding Five Piano Pieces 3434 + span the traditionally determinate (Nos. 2 and 5) to the 3435 + unusual and partially indeterminate (No. 1), to highly 3436 + indeterminate scores that required a “realization,” or a 3437 + customized performance score (Nos. 3 and 4). In this way, 3438 + Five Piano Pieces ventures from determined procedures into 3439 + the territory of intuition, inconsistency, and communicative 3440 + immediacy through score-drawings that entice performers 3441 + to compose their own work.5 3442 + As if to compensate for this indeterminacy, Bussotti 3443 + dedicated these pieces to Tudor, their uniquely entrusted 3444 + performer, whose reputation had been internationally 3445 + established by 1959. In a letter Bussotti wrote to Tudor and 3446 + included with a copy of the scores he had written for the 3447 + pianist, the composer addresses Tudor as someone already 3448 + taken to be an “instrumental means” in his own right.6 In 3449 + Bussotti’s view, Tudor was not a mere interpreter or pianist 3450 + of the score. Rather, he was a unique technical mediator who 3451 + could ensure ontological coherence for the work’s 3452 + performance. Ronald Bogue has aptly described Bussotti’s 3453 + positioning of Tudor as a post-human assemblage—a 3454 + “Tudor-piano machine”—a singular being that brings 3455 + together body, mind, technique, and technology (what 3456 + Bussotti called a “Minotaurus of the pianistical 3457 + mythology”).7 For Bussotti, this meant not only that the 3458 + score could be delivered to Tudor with the utmost trust but 3459 + also that the work likely had to be performed by Tudor in 3460 + order to be considered complete. This collaboration might be 3461 + productively framed as a form of queer intimacy between 3462 + composer and performer. It was also a reassertion of closure 3463 + or certainty in the face of an experimental notation that is 3464 + otherwise open and indeterminate. In terms coined by the 3465 + philosopher Nelson Goodman, when the allographic iterative 3466 + score becomes wildly open-ended, it may help to have an 3467 + autographic, certified performance.8 3468 + 3469 + 98 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3470 + Among the indeterminate scores (Nos. 1, 3, and 4), 3471 + No. 1 was notable for the imaginative decision to use a 3472 + strange, tablature-like notation (fig. 3.2). In it, Bussotti 3473 + repurposes the staff into a linear map indicating where the 3474 + performer should place their fingers to touch or scrape the 3475 + keys without depressing them. “MD” (mano destra) means 3476 + right hand, and “MS” (mano sinistra) means left; the five 3477 + lines of each staff refer to the five fingers of each hand, 3478 + though, unlike traditional staff lines, these lines move up and 3479 + down to indicate the motion of the fingers across the 3480 + keyboard. Along the staff lines, the letters u and o indicate, 3481 + respectively, attacks to be made with either the fingernail or 3482 + finger pad. Most of the performance involves gliding the 3483 + fingers along the surface of the keys. In accordance with 3484 + Tudor’s practice at the time, his realization of this piece was 3485 + a sight-reading tool to be used during performance; he 3486 + essentially spaces out Bussotti’s notation so that it can be 3487 + played cleanly without much preparation or any 3488 + memorization. For his performance, Tudor wore fingerless 3489 + gloves, an instruction Karlheinz Stockhausen would later 3490 + incorporate into his glissando-heavy Klavierstück X (1961). 3491 + On at least one occasion, Tudor’s gloves were 3492 + sensationalized by the press for the supposed protection 3493 + they gave the pianist’s hands, but in fact they allowed him to 3494 + achieve a frictionless glide across the keys. There is also a 3495 + unique indeterminacy to No. 1 that calls into question the 3496 + traditional measure of pianistic skill; according to Bussotti’s 3497 + typed instructions, if certain notes are accidentally struck, 3498 + the composer will accept that as a compliant performance of 3499 + the work. 3500 + No. 3 involves far more indeterminacy (fig. 3.3). In 3501 + fact, Tudor later recalled that his realization of No. 3 helped 3502 + emancipate him from the use of musical notation 3503 + altogether.9 From Tudor’s perspective, the pianist and 3504 + composer Ferruccio Busoni’s writings on the limits of 3505 + musical notation were a memorable point of reference.10 Its 3506 + score is to be loosely read from left to right, with the vertical 3507 + 3508 + Gallope 99 3509 + Fig. 3.2 David Tudor’s personal copy of No. 1 from Sylvano Bussotti’s Five 3510 + Piano Pieces for David Tudor, 1959. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor 3511 + Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 2. Used by permission of Hal Leonard. 3512 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/154/#fig-154-e 3513 + 3514 + 3515 + 3516 + 3517 + 100 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3518 + axis indicating an unspecified range of pitches on the piano, 3519 + from low to high. There are some familiar symbols: a 3520 + scattering of note heads, a few glissando-like arrows, about 3521 + two dozen slurs that draw together coherent gestures, and a 3522 + concluding fermata. But many elements are quite 3523 + indeterminate: staff lines bleed and knock into one another 3524 + or break down into interior fractures and shattered 3525 + geometries, infecting the symbolic medium with unclear and 3526 + befuddling messages. 3527 + What is striking about No. 3 is that Tudor, who in the 3528 + past was, without exception, carefully devoted to 3529 + actualizing a version of what the composer specified, here 3530 + quite freely made compositional decisions without much in 3531 + the way of guidance from Bussotti’s score. One can see in 3532 + Tudor’s own copy of the score that he had circled some key 3533 + events in pencil (see fig. 3.3). As he loosely moves through 3534 + the score from left to right, his gestures follow Bussotti’s 3535 + typed instructions to play slurred events as a whole, but he 3536 + also allows himself the freedom to rewind the horizontal axis 3537 + and play events in sequence rather than all at once. That is, 3538 + when choosing what to play, a bit of jumping around on 3539 + Tudor’s part is expected, if not inevitable. Tudor’s inventive 3540 + realization of No. 3 is a dramatic composition with some 3541 + exquisite extended techniques (fig. 3.4), including the use of 3542 + a glass slide on the piano strings in order to create glissandi, 3543 + and the use of hands to hit the strings percussively. And yet, 3544 + as inventive as it was, the practical goal of Tudor’s 3545 + realization was no different than it had been for scores by 3546 + Feldman and Cage: to create a repeatable, straightforward 3547 + score that could be sight-read. It also had an important social 3548 + function in that its repeatability could serve as a backbone of 3549 + credibility for audiences and critics. 3550 + At the time, Cage was exploring indeterminate 3551 + notations in his Variations I (1958) that seemed to abandon 3552 + all vestiges of traditional Western musical symbols (notes, 3553 + rests, etc.) in favor of plastic transparencies that allowed 3554 + performers to freely overlay patterns of lines and dots with 3555 + 3556 + Gallope 101 3557 + Fig. 3.3 David Tudor’s personal copy of No. 3 from Sylvano Bussotti’s Five 3558 + Piano Pieces for David Tudor, with pencil annotations by Tudor, as found in 3559 + loose pages from Bussotti’s Pièces de chair II, 1958–60. Getty Research 3560 + Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 3. Used by 3561 + permission of Hal Leonard. 3562 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/159/#fig-159-aw 3563 + 3564 + 3565 + 3566 + 3567 + 102 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3568 + Fig. 3.4 David Tudor (American, 1926–96). Tudor’s realization of No. 3 3569 + from Sylvano Bussotti’s Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor, 1959. Getty 3570 + Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 2. Used 3571 + by permission of Hal Leonard. 3572 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/158/#fig-158-r 3573 + 3574 + 3575 + 3576 + 3577 + Gallope 103 3578 + only minimal instructions on how to interpret them. By 3579 + challenging the authority of determinate notation, Tudor 3580 + understood Busoni and Cage to be thinking along the same 3581 + lines: “There is a paragraph in Busoni which speaks of 3582 + notation as an evil separating musicians from music, and I 3583 + think everyone should know that this is true. . . . Notation is 3584 + an invention of the devil, and when I became free of it, 3585 + through pieces like Cage’s Fontana Mix and Music Walk, and 3586 + later Bussotti’s Piano Piece for David Tudor No. 3, it really did 3587 + a lot for me.”11 In his realization for No. 3, Tudor’s 3588 + relationship with Bussotti’s notation was almost intuitive; in 3589 + assembling it, he more freely drew from extended 3590 + techniques that he had begun to practice in recent years. 3591 + Of the three indeterminate scores in Five Piano 3592 + Pieces, the most complex and challenging is No. 4 (see fig. 3593 + 3.1). Contrary to some of the existing commentary on this 3594 + composition, Bussotti did not leave the realization entirely up 3595 + to Tudor’s discretion. Superimposed on the staves is the 3596 + curvilinear drawing Bussotti had made in 1949: a mixture of 3597 + dots, regions, and squiggly lines. This is the central notation 3598 + of what one plays. The staves’ five clefs indicate loose 3599 + ranges of the attacks, while the second layer of five staff 3600 + fragments on the far left (numbered 1 through 5) provide 3601 + supplementary material about the kinds of sounds to be 3602 + played. Staves 1, 2, and 4 specify various kinds of attacks 3603 + (Staff 1: muted, muffled, or pizzicato; Staff 2: muted 3604 + beating on the keys or the keyboard cover; and Staff 4: five 3605 + kinds of glissandi in the piano—two with fingernails, two 3606 + with the pads of the fingers, and one oscillating glissando). 3607 + Staff 5 indicates the pitch of that staff’s one attack: in an 3608 + alto clef, it is A 440 (the A above middle C). Staff 3 is the 3609 + most precise in its demands, asking the performer to 3610 + calculate values for the parameters of each attack (sequence 3611 + in time, frequency, timbre, duration, and intensity) based in 3612 + measured distances between the drawing’s dark spots and 3613 + the angular staff lines. Cage pioneered this calculation 3614 + technique in Variations I and the Solo for Piano (1958; see 3615 + 3616 + 104 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3617 + chapter 2), and Bussotti had learned of it during his visit to 3618 + Darmstadt in 1958 (a debt he acknowledges in his 3619 + instructions). Finally, a large 6 labels a bracket that encloses 3620 + the individual five clefs as a totality. Lest one think all these 3621 + specifications would be an impossible headache to play 3622 + accurately, Bussotti’s typed instructions explain that when 3623 + actually performing the piece, “the pianist is authorized to 3624 + automatically perform ‘what the drawing inspires,’” without 3625 + worrying about specific correspondences.12 3626 + Tudor eschewed Bussotti’s instruction to 3627 + “automatically perform” by following the drawing intuitively. 3628 + Instead, he dutifully realized Bussotti’s instructions for Staff 3629 + 3 through a list of calculations in a way that parallels the 3630 + kinds of tables he made for scores by Cage and used this list 3631 + to create a realization for No. 4. The penciled annotations on 3632 + Tudor’s copy of the score (see fig. 3.1) show two vertical 3633 + lines drawn at the vertices of the “sequenza” line from Staff 3634 + 3, as well as a series of check marks written over black dots, 3635 + evidence of Tudor checking off” various attacks as he 3636 + recorded their distance from each of the lines in Staff 3. 3637 + After producing a seven-sheet-long set of values for attacks 3638 + corresponding to these black dots, Tudor then recorded 3639 + them on seven sheets of his customary short staff paper, 3640 + producing a playable realization (fig. 3.5). 3641 + Completing this realization at one of the busiest 3642 + times of his career, Tudor seemed not to have had time to 3643 + finish learning it for performance.13 In the live recording, 3644 + likely made in 1960 at the Living Theatre in New York, Tudor 3645 + is relatively loose in the timings and seems to have 3646 + performed only the first four of the seven sheets he realized 3647 + for No. 4. According to Stockhausen, Bussotti had approved 3648 + the possibility of a partial performance of No. 4 the year prior 3649 + in Darmstadt.14 3650 + The Bussotti–Tudor collaboration could be said to 3651 + serve as an ironic counterexample to Umberto Eco’s open 3652 + work—a concept that Eco coined in 1962 to mark the 3653 + opening up of traditionally determinate forms of notation.15 3654 + 3655 + Gallope 105 3656 + Fig. 3.5 David Tudor’s realization of No. 4 from Sylvano Bussotti’s Five 3657 + Piano Pieces for David Tudor, 1959. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor 3658 + Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 2. Used by permission of Hal Leonard. 3659 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/157/#fig-157-f 3660 + 3661 + 3662 + 3663 + 3664 + 106 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3665 + For it is not as though the traditional division of labor 3666 + between composer, score, and performer has entirely broken 3667 + down into a wide field of multiplicities and open-ended 3668 + structures. Rather, it is more precise to say the ontological 3669 + boundaries of Bussotti’s “work” are displaced onto 3670 + nonnormative spheres. The score has been transformed 3671 + from normative symbolic indications into an object of visual 3672 + perplexity and wonder on its own, supplemented by 3673 + Bussotti’s textual scaffolding. The resultant sonic 3674 + performance is personally entrusted to a single performer 3675 + whose job it is to stage and mysteriously decode the esoteric 3676 + quasi-language of the score. 3677 + It is both a curious detail of cultural history and a 3678 + philosophically rich fact that audiences reacted with 3679 + puzzlement, bemusement, and distress upon witnessing 3680 + Tudor’s performances. One must remember that many 3681 + audience members in 1959 strongly expected performers of 3682 + classical music to play from notation that told the performer 3683 + exactly what notes to play. What the philosopher Stanley 3684 + Cavell worried in 1967 was a risk of “fraudulence” in 3685 + modernist composition was a real concern.16 During the 3686 + premiere of Five Piano Pieces at Darmstadt in 1959, 3687 + Stockhausen refused audience requests for repeat 3688 + performances, which were purportedly made in order to 3689 + challenge the legitimacy of Tudor’s interpretation.17 In this 3690 + manner, the audiences found ways to improvise legislations 3691 + of the nonnormative boundaries of the composition. 3692 + Other responses were more playful and associative. 3693 + The music critic Ed Wallace, writing for the New York World- 3694 + Telegram and The Sun, published a review of Tudor’s 1960 3695 + performance of Five Piano Pieces at the Living Theatre in 3696 + New York. The bemused review recasts the concert as the 3697 + vernacular equivalent of a wrestling match. Wallace likens 3698 + the violence of Tudor’s extended techniques to that of a 3699 + fighter exacting revenge on the domestic piano (which the 3700 + critic associates with his own childhood guilt over not 3701 + practicing). Wallace, somewhat enthusiastically, reproduces 3702 + 3703 + Gallope 107 3704 + the score for No. 4 in the pages of the World-Telegram, with 3705 + the emendations “What arrives on paper looks like a mixture 3706 + of blackstrap [molasses] and soot, applied with a defective 3707 + spray gun” and “Way out cats will recognize this as the piano 3708 + piece written for David Tudor by Sylvano Bussotti. Beginners 3709 + should remember to wear gloves.”18 These spirited 3710 + middlebrow responses complicate any straightforward 3711 + displacement of this multiplicity onto the authority of 3712 + Bussotti’s and Tudor’s personalities alone. Like the event 3713 + scores that became a popular format after 1960 and would 3714 + eschew the traditional coordinates of musical performance 3715 + altogether, the messiness and ontological disunity of the 3716 + result acquires significance in the moment of its social 3717 + impact. Five Piano Pieces elicited often contentious and 3718 + unpredictable reactions that gave it meaning, while the 3719 + score functioned as the central provocateur. 3720 + We might also consider a contrasting performance 3721 + by the pianist Steffen Schleiermacher.19 Schleiermacher 3722 + begins by pounding on the outside of the piano before 3723 + moving on to the keyboard for a set of repeated tone 3724 + clusters. He then strums on the wound bass strings, then 3725 + returns to the keyboard to play additional clusters, this time 3726 + in a more focused register. Following Bussotti’s indication 3727 + via the bracket labeled “6” that the piece is to be interpreted 3728 + holistically and the performer should not worry about a 3729 + precise realization of individual inscriptions, the individual 3730 + attacks from Schleiermacher’s hands do not correspond 3731 + one-to-one to blocks of black ink. Instead, they unfold in a 3732 + rougher, mimetic correspondence, as if the interior 3733 + complexity of the score were a direct transduction—but not 3734 + a symbolic encoding—of what was truly in the composition. 3735 + Or, conversely, since the symbolic medium of notation has 3736 + broken down in Bussotti’s hands, one might interpret it as an 3737 + impossible goal of what might be achieved if an interpreter 3738 + knew exactly what Bussotti intended to express. 3739 + Alternatively, perhaps it is neither, and instead is something 3740 + 3741 + 3742 + 3743 + 108 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3744 + more akin to a negative provocation, a death of musical 3745 + literacy displayed in visual terms. 3746 + 3747 + Notes 3748 + 3749 + 1. Bussotti wrote in a prefatory note to his work Due voci (1958) that his 3750 + approach to music represented a “dialectical rebellion of the humanistic 3751 + attitude in the man who writes music, against the stiff aridity of 3752 + systems.” Quoted in Erik Ullman, “The Music of Sylvano Bussotti,” 3753 + Perspectives of New Music 34, no. 2 (1996): 186–201. 3754 + 2. See Antonin Artaud, The Theater and Its Double (New York: Grove Press, 3755 + 1958). Bussotti in fact set Artaud’s texts to music several times over the 3756 + course of his career. See Piero Carreras, “La Passion Selon Sade, Opera 3757 + d’Arte Totale,” Scenari, 16 June 2016, https://www.mimesis-scenari.it/ 3758 + 2016/06/16/la-passion-selon-sade-opera-darte-totale/. 3759 + 3. See Paul Attinello, “Bussotti, Sylvano,” in The Queer Encyclopedia of 3760 + Music, Dance, and Musical Theater, ed. Claude J. Summers (Jersey City, 3761 + NJ: Cleis Press, 2004), 37–38; and David Osmond-Smith and Paul 3762 + Attinello, “Gay Darmstadt: Flamboyance and Rigour at the Summer 3763 + Courses for New Music,” in Other Darmstadts, ed. Paul Attinello, 3764 + Christopher Fox, and Martin Iddon (Abingdon, U.K.: Routledge, 2007), 3765 + 105–14. 3766 + 4. For a larger discussion of this cycle, see Paul Attinello, “Hieroglyph, 3767 + Gesture, Sign, Meaning: Bussotti’s Pièces de chair II,” in Perspectives in 3768 + Systematic Musicology, ed. Roger A. Kendall and Roger W. H. Savage 3769 + (Los Angeles: Department of Ethnomusicology, UCLA, 2005), 219–27. 3770 + 5. Included in The Scores Project is Tudor’s typewritten copy of Bussotti’s 3771 + original instructions in Italian for the score. 3772 + 6. Sylvano Bussotti to David Tudor, 22 May 1959, David Tudor Papers, 3773 + 980039, box 174, folder 3 (original in Series III), Getty Research 3774 + Institute, Los Angeles (hereafter cited as David Tudor Papers). 3775 + 7. Ronald Bogue, “Scoring the Rhizome: Bussotti’s Musical Diagram,” 3776 + Deleuze Studies 8, no. 4 (2014): 479. For Bussotti’s quotation, see David 3777 + Tudor Papers, box 174, folder 3 (original in Series III). 3778 + 8. For a discussion of the terms autographic and allographic, see Nelson 3779 + Goodman, Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols 3780 + (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968). This dialectic whereby artists 3781 + reassert control over their work is one that perennially recurs in Cage’s 3782 + career. See Benjamin Piekut, “Murder by Cello: Charlotte Moorman 3783 + Meets John Cage,” in Experimentalism Otherwise: The New York Avant- 3784 + Garde and Its Limits (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 3785 + 140–76; and Ryan Dohoney, “John Cage, Julius Eastman, and the 3786 + Homosexual Ego,” in Tomorrow Is the Question: New Directions in 3787 + 3788 + 3789 + Gallope 109 3790 + Experimental Music Studies, ed. Benjamin Piekut (Ann Arbor: University 3791 + of Michigan Press, 2014). 3792 + 9. David Tudor, in David Tudor and Victor Schonfeld, “From Piano to 3793 + Electronics,” Music and Musicians 20 (August 1972): 24–6. 3794 + 10. See Ferruccio Busoni, Sketch of a New Aesthetic of Music, trans. 3795 + Theodore Baker (1907; repr., New York: G. Schirmer, 1911). See also Erin 3796 + Knyt, “Between Composition and Transcription: Ferruccio Busoni and 3797 + Musical Notation,” Twentieth-Century Music 11, no. 1 (2014): 37–61. 3798 + 11. Tudor, “From Piano to Electronics,” 24. 3799 + 12. Sylvano Bussotti, Performance notes for Pièces de chair II, 1958–59, pp. 3800 + 11–12, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 174, folder 3. 3801 + 13. In correspondence with his partner M. C. Richards, it is evident that 3802 + Tudor, on occasion, had insufficient time to prepare compositions he was 3803 + expected to play. With no reliable employment, he had to try to earn a 3804 + steady income through performance alone, which was often a challenge 3805 + for him during the 1950s. For Tudor’s letters to M. C. Richards, see Mary 3806 + Caroline Richards Papers, 960036, box 26, box 114, Getty Research 3807 + Institute, Los Angeles. For Richards’s letters to Tudor, see David Tudor 3808 + Papers, box 59, folder 5–10, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 3809 + 14. In Stockhausen’s account, Tudor had asked Bussotti if a partial 3810 + performance of No. 4 would be adequate, and Bussotti agreed. See 3811 + Martin Iddon, New Music at Darmstadt: Nono, Stockhausen, Cage, and 3812 + Boulez (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 243. 3813 + 15. Umberto Eco, The Open Work, trans. Anna Cancogni (Cambridge, MA: 3814 + Harvard University Press, 1989). 3815 + 16. Stanley Cavell, “Music Discomposed” (1967), in Must We Mean What 3816 + We Say (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 180–212. 3817 + 17. The reviewer’s testimony is available in Ernst Thomas, “Klänge für das 3818 + Auge? Gefährliche Doktrinen auf den Darmstädter Ferienkursen,” 3819 + Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (1 September 1959). For the anecdote 3820 + related to the audience stirring at the Darmstadt premiere of Bussotti’s 3821 + Five Piano Pieces, see Amy Beal, New Music, New Allies: American 3822 + Experimental Music in West Germany from the Zero Hour to Reunification 3823 + (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 110. For a second 3824 + discussion of the reception of the Darmstadt performance, see Iddon, 3825 + New Music at Darmstadt, 248–49. 3826 + 18. Ed Wallace, “Above Ground Test Deactivates Piano,” New York World- 3827 + Telegram and The Sun, 5 April 1960. 3828 + 19. Steffen Schleiermacher, pianist, “Four Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3829 + (1959)” by Sylvano Bussotti, track 1 on Fluxus Piano, Musikproduktion 3830 + Dabringhaus und Grimm, 2015, compact disc. 3831 + 3832 + 3833 + 3834 + 3835 + 110 Five Piano Pieces for David Tudor 3836 + 4. Benjamin Patterson: Paper 3837 + Piece (1960) 3838 + 3839 + George E. Lewis 3840 + 3841 + 3842 + 3843 + 3844 + Benjamin Patterson’s Paper Piece (1960) is said to have 3845 + begun as a letter posted to his family from Germany, where 3846 + he was beginning to take part in the first pre-Fluxus 3847 + experiments in performance. Over the years, the piece has 3848 + become one of the most widely performed Fluxus works.1 3849 + In Paper Piece, performers create a variety of sounds 3850 + using bags and loose sheets made of various types of paper. 3851 + At a 2011 seminar at Columbia University, Patterson 3852 + presented the origin story for the work: 3853 + 3854 + Paper Piece was a reaction to another Stockhausen 3855 + event (thank you Karlheinz!). As I remember, it was 3856 + Kontakte, the premiere, for piano and two 3857 + percussionists. David Tudor was the pianist, and he 3858 + told me afterwards that it had something like 120 3859 + hours of rehearsal for this piece to get it all together. 3860 + And I just couldn’t believe that something had to be 3861 + rehearsed that much and would leave me so . . . 3862 + underwhelmed.2 3863 + 3864 + Patterson’s 1962 collection, Methods and 3865 + Processes, presents a set of text pieces that have historically 3866 + been grouped under the heading “event scores,” a format 3867 + said to have been pioneered in the early 1960s by artists 3868 + including, in particular, La Monte Young, Yoko Ono, and 3869 + George Brecht.3 Paper Piece is not an event score, however, 3870 + but a “text score” that functions much like a conventional 3871 + score, in which notations are provided to guide performers in 3872 + realizing the composer’s intent. 3873 + 3874 + 3875 + 3876 + ................ 3877 + getty.edu/publications/scores/04/ 111 3878 + Between 1959 and 1964, Patterson was in a period 3879 + of rapid growth. Paper Piece, conceived at the start of that 3880 + period, may be classified as an aspect of Patterson’s work 3881 + that focused on new techniques for acoustic instruments, as 3882 + did his Variations for Double-Bass (1961, rev. 1962), which 3883 + combines performative stances with extended string 3884 + techniques (figs. 4.1, 4.2) to create a kind of early intermedia 3885 + avant la lettre de Fluxus, and his Duo for Voice and a String 3886 + Instrument (1961), which combines an even more extensive 3887 + catalog of sounds and string techniques with intricate 3888 + graphic elements (fig. 4.3).4 3889 + Paper Piece stands out among these works because, 3890 + while it specifies sounds and techniques as Patterson’s later 3891 + pieces do, rather than exploring unusual playing techniques 3892 + for traditional musical instruments, it instrumentalizes a 3893 + commonly found material—paper—for which no extended 3894 + techniques had ever been documented. Moreover, the work 3895 + provides strong suggestions rather than exacting 3896 + specifications as to instrumentation, duration, and 3897 + performance process, and it is one of the few Patterson 3898 + scores from this period that explicitly calls for improvisation: 3899 + “Dynamics should be improvised within the natural borders 3900 + of the approximate ppp of the ‘Twist’ and the fff of the 3901 + ‘Pop!’” (fig. 4.4).5 3902 + Patterson’s earliest pieces, including Paper Piece, 3903 + often comprised three main elements: 3904 + 3905 + (1) a set of materials, physical and/or temporal; 3906 + (2) performance instructions and process 3907 + elaboration; and 3908 + (3) limits and ending conditions. 3909 + 3910 + At the aforementioned Columbia seminar, Patterson 3911 + noted the advantages of using paper in his work: “It was a 3912 + material that was readily available anywhere, everywhere in 3913 + the world, and it came in all types and shades, dimensions, 3914 + and had a great variety of acoustic possibilities, from crystal 3915 + paper, tissue paper, all the way to heavy cardboard, paper 3916 + 3917 + 112 Paper Piece 3918 + Fig. 4.1 Benjamin Patterson (American, 1934–2016). Variations for 3919 + Double-Bass, 1961, rev. 1962. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown 3920 + Papers, 890164, box 39, folder 33. © The Estate of Benjamin Patterson. 3921 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/217/ 3922 + 3923 + 3924 + 3925 + 3926 + Lewis 113 3927 + Fig. 4.2 Benjamin Patterson performing Variations for Double-Bass, at 3928 + Kleinen Sommerfest: Après John Cage, Galerie Parnass, Wuppertal, West 3929 + Germany, 9 June 1962. The Gilbert and Lila Silverman Fluxus Collection 3930 + Gift. © The Estate of Benjamin Patterson. Digital Image © The Museum of 3931 + Modern Art/Licensed by SCALA / Art Resource, NY. 3932 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/232/ 3933 + 3934 + 3935 + 3936 + 3937 + 114 Paper Piece 3938 + Fig. 4.3 Benjamin Patterson (American, 1934–2016). Duo for Voice and a 3939 + String Instrument, 1961. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 3940 + 890164, box 39, folder 32. © The Estate of Benjamin Patterson. 3941 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/215/#fig-215-f 3942 + 3943 + 3944 + 3945 + 3946 + Lewis 115 3947 + Fig. 4.4 Benjamin Patterson (American, 1934–2016). Printed score of 3948 + Paper Piece in English, 1960. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 3949 + 890164, box 39, folder 33. © The Estate of Benjamin Patterson. 3950 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/197/ 3951 + 3952 + 3953 + 3954 + 3955 + 116 Paper Piece 3956 + bags, and so forth.” The number and types of materials are 3957 + precisely given in the score, but some room is left for 3958 + performer choice and foraging. Thus, a performance of the 3959 + work could be considered site-specific, as it might depend 3960 + on the kinds of paper available in a given area. 3961 + The score calls for the following materials: 3962 + 3963 + 15 sheets of paper per performer approximate size of 3964 + standard newspaper, . . . tissue paper, light 3965 + cardboard, colored, printed or plain. 3966 + 3 paper bags per performer 3967 + quality, size and shape varied6 3968 + 3969 + The score evinces a decided preference for diversity 3970 + of paper (“quality varied”), which would in turn produce a 3971 + corresponding diversity of timbres. That said, the actual 3972 + temporal/structural course of the development of timbre is 3973 + left to the performer. 3974 + As the number of sheets and bags to be used is 3975 + strictly delineated, so are the particular techniques, for 3976 + which descriptions and nomenclature are provided, as in this 3977 + example: 3978 + 3979 + “BREAK” - opposite edges of the sheet are grasped 3980 + firmly and sharply jerked apart7 3981 + 3982 + The score offers some practical advice, suggesting a 3983 + process of preparation in which the performance method for 3984 + each piece of paper is selected in advance and written on the 3985 + sheet. However, the composer also allows for interpretive 3986 + liberties, allowing the sequence of sounds to be varied 3987 + within each performance. The example Patterson gives is a 3988 + simple retrograde: RUB, SCRUB, TWIST could become 3989 + TWIST, SCRUB, RUB: 3990 + 3991 + Each performer will have previously selected and 3992 + arranged his materials and sequence of events. 3993 + Arrangement of sequence may concern not only the 3994 + general order - sheet No. 1 “Shake”, “Break”, “Tear”, 3995 + 3996 + 3997 + Lewis 117 3998 + No. 2 “Rub”, “Scrub”, “Twist”, No. 3 “Poof”, “Pop!” 3999 + - the inner order may also be considered “Twist”, 4000 + “Scrub”, “Rub”.8 4001 + 4002 + While the poetics of Methods and Processes were 4003 + still to come, Paper Piece was an early example of Patterson 4004 + taking an onomatopoetic approach to describing the kinds of 4005 + sounds he was after. One can imagine the descriptions 4006 + themselves forming a kind of short text-sound work: 4007 + 4008 + SHAKE BREAK TEAR 4009 + CRUMPLE RUMPLE BUMPLE 4010 + RUB SCRUB TWIST 4011 + POOF POP! 4012 + 4013 + Even though some instructions allowed for flexibility, 4014 + certain sounds were expected by the composer, as with the 4015 + direction TWIST (“The paper is twisted tightly until a 4016 + squeaking sound is produced”).9 Since there was no existing 4017 + tradition of paper-handling in music, these techniques had to 4018 + be invented by the composer. 4019 + “The explosive pops blowing out paper bags are 4020 + enough to be always quite audible,” Patterson told the 4021 + Columbia students. “Cardboard boxes are very good, and 4022 + cardboard tubes, very good for ‘muscular’ performances.”10 4023 + In addition to directions for creating certain sounds, 4024 + the score also sets forth expectations of visual content: 4025 + 4026 + “TEAR” - each sheet should be reduced to particles 4027 + less than 1/10 size of the whole sheet11 4028 + 4029 + The above instruction also bears implications 4030 + regarding duration, since it takes some time to tear a piece of 4031 + paper into very small pieces. The suggested overall duration 4032 + of the piece is from ten to twelve and a half minutes, but the 4033 + score also pragmatically proposes that the piece end when 4034 + the paper supply is exhausted. In practice, however, the 4035 + piece ends when the performer wants it to end. 4036 + 4037 + 4038 + 4039 + 118 Paper Piece 4040 + At Columbia, Patterson noted that in performance, 4041 + the score usually served as a point of departure for what was 4042 + to follow: “Most of the performances started out more or 4043 + less like that, but then they quickly took on their own 4044 + character, which is just fine with me, which is what should 4045 + happen.”12 Indeed, through improvisation, performers of 4046 + Paper Piece explore the sound of sociality, intention, and 4047 + consensus. Following the curator-theorist Nicolas 4048 + Bourriaud, one can view this as a form of “relational art”—a 4049 + type of work that proposes “moments of sociability.”13 In 4050 + Bourriaud’s terms, Paper Piece operates “like a relational 4051 + device containing a certain degree of randomness, or a 4052 + machine provoking and managing individual and group 4053 + encounters.”14 Thus, the overarching effect of Paper Piece is 4054 + of an emergent sound sculpture composed of physicality, 4055 + relationality, conviviality, and the creation of community, like 4056 + that of an arts and crafts workshop. Agency and control are 4057 + shared among the experiencers, the work, and the artists 4058 + themselves. Writing in 1964, Patterson declared, “I 4059 + demanded of an experiencer (not a passive viewer or 4060 + listener) to act in the position of performer, interpreter and 4061 + even as creator in the event.”15 4062 + It is also significant that Paper Piece welcomes 4063 + nonspecialist performers; in fact, no “specialists” in paper 4064 + performance existed when it was conceived, and thus the 4065 + work could not imply a need for conventional displays of 4066 + virtuosity. That it could be performed by “anyone” is an 4067 + aspect of Patterson’s work that later carried over into the 4068 + pieces in Methods and Processes. In the Columbia seminar, 4069 + Patterson recalled that his determined goal for Paper Piece 4070 + was to create complex new music that anyone could 4071 + perform: “There must be some other way to create a work 4072 + that could have a certain amount of acoustic complexity, but 4073 + could be performed by practically anyone with a sensitive 4074 + ear at least, and without thirty years of study of the piano, 4075 + violin, or whatever.”16 4076 + 4077 + 4078 + 4079 + Lewis 119 4080 + A similar intent marked the methods of the pianist 4081 + and composer Cecil Taylor’s use of letter notation.17 In 4082 + rehearsals, Taylor dictated note names and melodic direction 4083 + to the performers, for example, “start on B-flat, up to D, 4084 + down to G-flat." Taylor’s notational strategy allowed 4085 + complex structures to be realized by a mixed cohort of 4086 + players, from the highly classically trained to autodidact 4087 + players with almost no relationship to Western notation.18 4088 + Paper Piece pushes the envelope even further. As 4089 + Patterson has noted, “My pieces, as they appear on paper, 4090 + have neither material nor abstract value . . . they can only 4091 + achieve value in performance, and then only the personal 4092 + value that the participant himself perceives about his own 4093 + behavior and/or that of the society during and/or after the 4094 + experience. In fact, any piece is just this: a person, who, 4095 + consciously, does this or that. Everybody can do it.”19 4096 + The level of precision of the notation in Paper Piece 4097 + contrasts markedly with the indeterminacy of the result, 4098 + which itself is telling in that many listeners could not discern 4099 + the difference between precisely notated contemporary 4100 + music scores of the 1950s and works for similar 4101 + instrumentation composed according to chance operations, 4102 + or even improvised. In this sense, does Paper Piece—whose 4103 + score dutifully specifies the sizes, colors, types, qualities, 4104 + and quantities of paper to be used, and the procedures for 4105 + producing the sounds—present a humorous sendup of 4106 + Kontakte and other works like it? As the musicologist Robert 4107 + P. Morgan remarked on what was already happening in the 4108 + mid-1950s: 4109 + 4110 + Stockhausen, Boulez, and their serialist colleagues 4111 + had come to realize that the more precisely musical 4112 + events were predetermined, the more random and 4113 + haphazard they tended to sound. Since the nature of 4114 + European serialism was to treat all musical elements 4115 + as equal, the result often appeared to be a collection 4116 + of disparate events with no perceptible effect upon, 4117 + 4118 + 4119 + 120 Paper Piece 4120 + or connection with, one another. Any single event 4121 + tended to sound “arbitrary” and could thus just as 4122 + well be replaced by another.20 4123 + 4124 + On the first evening of the Festum Fluxorum Fluxus 4125 + at the Staatliche Kunstakademie Düsseldorf in 1962, in 4126 + response to the Kunstakademie faculty member and festival 4127 + organizer Joseph Beuys, who had requested that some kind 4128 + of manifesto regarding Fluxus be presented at the festival, 4129 + the sounds of crumpling and tearing, apparently emanating 4130 + from behind an onstage paper screen, announced the 4131 + commencement of a performance of Paper Piece.21 At some 4132 + point, sheets of paper containing a text were dumped onto 4133 + the heads of the audience. The authorship of this text was 4134 + later attributed to Fluxus cofounder George Maciunas that 4135 + became known as “The Fluxus Manifesto,” which read in 4136 + part: 4137 + 4138 + Purge the world of bourgeois sickness, 4139 + “intellectual,” professional & commercialized 4140 + culture, PURGE the world of dead art, imitation, 4141 + artificial art, abstract art, illusionistic art, 4142 + mathematical art,—PURGE THE WORLD OF 4143 + “EUROPANISM!” [. . .] PROMOTE A 4144 + REVOLUTIONARY FLOOD AND TIDE IN ART, 4145 + Promote living art, anti-art, promote NON ART 4146 + REALITY to be fully grasped by all peoples, not only 4147 + critics, dilettantes and professionals. [. . .] FUSE the 4148 + cadres of cultural, social & political revolutionaries 4149 + into united front & action.22 4150 + 4151 + In Owen’s account of the Düsseldorf event, the 4152 + performance ended “as the paper screen was gradually torn 4153 + to shreds, leaving a paper-strewn stage.”23 One could easily 4154 + imagine copies of the manifesto being crumpled, rumpled, 4155 + and bumpled in an implicitly satiric distancing from the very 4156 + idea of “manifesto.” At the Columbia seminar, Patterson 4157 + observed that something like this “happened at the very first 4158 + 4159 + 4160 + Lewis 121 4161 + performance, without even trying to do it. At every 4162 + performance after that, paper drifted off into the audience 4163 + off the stage by accident and everybody joined in. So it’s 4164 + now the big audience piece in which everybody participates, 4165 + even though it may start on the stage.”24 4166 + One account of the origin of Paper Piece dates it to 4167 + 1959: “Benjamin Patterson, then visiting Germany to 4168 + explore developments in experimental music, writes a letter 4169 + to his family and offers a score, Paper Piece, as a Christmas 4170 + gift and activity.”25 This account is not sourced, 4171 + unfortunately, and it is at variance with Patterson’s account 4172 + of the origins of the work, which he says was in response to 4173 + the 1960 premiere of Stockhausen’s Kontakte.26 4174 + Regardless of why or for whom the piece was 4175 + originally created, it has proved attractive to all types of 4176 + audiences. Sheila O’Shea, an innovative music teacher at 4177 + the School at Columbia University, a private elementary and 4178 + middle school in New York affiliated with the university, 4179 + discovered that even her youngest students responded to 4180 + the piece. In 2018, O’Shea introduced her elementary-age 4181 + students to the performance of instructional art and had 4182 + them create their own text scores in the spirit of Fluxus. She 4183 + said the students found performing Paper Piece “really 4184 + refreshing and a release. . . . The words ‘fun’ and ‘freeing’ 4185 + and ‘release’ came up many times.”27 4186 + Reading O’Shea’s account, it seems that this 4187 + performance by her students, like most presentations of the 4188 + piece, quickly developed into sheer joy and laughter. In 4189 + comparing the student performance with the 1962 4190 + Düsseldorf event, it is interesting to remember that while a 4191 + number of activities in Paper Piece are precisely specified, 4192 + nothing in the score mentions the possibility of tossing about 4193 + the bits of the torn paper, and yet that is what happened in 4194 + both of these cases. This now traditional part of the 4195 + performance seems to have come about as an inevitable 4196 + outgrowth of simply tearing up paper, an act similar in intent 4197 + 4198 + 4199 + 4200 + 122 Paper Piece 4201 + to the practice children have of building towers and then 4202 + knocking them down. 4203 + As O’Shea observed, 4204 + 4205 + There is a sense of transgression. . . . People are 4206 + allowed to tear up things and they don’t have to put 4207 + them back together again. It is almost like having 4208 + permission to be bold, but not in a bad way—in a 4209 + humorous and engaging way that hurts no one. 4210 + There is an innocence and fun to it that the kids relate 4211 + to, and they all felt a profound sense of respect for 4212 + the project. They felt different inside and they all 4213 + wanted the chance to do it again. Their eyes were 4214 + bright and they looked enlivened. They thanked me 4215 + for introducing them to art forms that they would 4216 + never usually encounter and said that the experience 4217 + changed how they look at art and what they view as 4218 + art.28 4219 + 4220 + The Düsseldorf performance rendered literally 4221 + palpable the differences between Paper Piece and its 4222 + negative image, Kontakte. The latter, as well as any other 4223 + work that might require something like the fabled 120 hours 4224 + of rehearsal, was clearly not intended to be consigned to the 4225 + dustbin of history, given how much practice it took to 4226 + perform it. Stockhausen, composer of Kontakte, and so 4227 + many other composers of works from this era drew on the 4228 + traditions of Werktreue in the hope that their creations 4229 + would one day enter the museum of musical works, which, 4230 + in this moment, before the philosophy of Lydia Goehr, had 4231 + not yet become imaginary.29 In the sharpest contrast to this 4232 + aesthetic, as Patterson told his Columbia audience in 2011, 4233 + “there is no definitive version” of Paper Piece.30 4234 + Thus, as the saxophonist and composer Eric Dolphy 4235 + remarked in the concluding sonic epigraph of his celebrated 4236 + 1964 album Last Date: “When you hear music, after it’s 4237 + over, it’s gone in the air. You can never capture it again.”31 4238 + Dolphy’s pithy but potent comment makes common cause 4239 + 4240 + Lewis 123 4241 + with the deepest intent of Paper Piece and, indeed, Fluxus 4242 + itself. As Patterson said on a 2002 recording of “Fluxus 4243 + stories”: 4244 + 4245 + An important part of Fluxus—early Fluxus, let’s 4246 + say—was that the manifestation of the art should be 4247 + immaterial. That’s why it became music or 4248 + performance or events, or—“happenings” were a bit 4249 + suspicious, but events were clear there. So it was 4250 + something that you experience, and that was it. You 4251 + couldn’t take it away.32 4252 + 4253 + Notes 4254 + 4255 + 1. Valerie Cassel Oliver, ed., Radical Presence: Black Performance in 4256 + Contemporary Art (Houston: Contemporary Arts Museum Houston, 4257 + 2013), 121. 4258 + 2. Benjamin Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia University,” video recording, 4259 + 20 March 2011, private collection of George E. Lewis. For a similar 4260 + account from Patterson about the origins of Paper Piece, see Kathy 4261 + Goncharov and Benjamin Patterson, “Oral History Interview with 4262 + Benjamin Patterson, 2009 May 22,” Smithsonian Archives of American 4263 + Art, https://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history 4264 + -interview-benjamin-patterson-15685, accessed 21 May 2024. 4265 + 3. Benjamin Patterson, Methods and Processes (Paris: self-published, 4266 + 1962). For a historical and analytical account of the emergence and 4267 + poetics of event scores, see Liz Kotz, “Post-Cagean Aesthetics and the 4268 + ‘Event’ Score,” October 95 (Winter 2001): 55–89. 4269 + 4. Dick Higgins, “Statement on Intermedia” (1966), in Dé-coll/age 6, ed. 4270 + Wolf Vostell (Frankfurt: Typos Verlag; New York: Something Else Press, 4271 + 1967), available online at https://www.artpool.hu/Fluxus/Higgins/ 4272 + intermedia2.html. In 1964 Dick Higgins remembered that even before 4273 + meeting Patterson, he suspected that he was Black: “Actually 4274 + Patterson’s way of using periodic repeats and the blues feeling that this 4275 + produced being so ingrained and natural struck me so much that when he 4276 + first sent me a copy of methods and processes I wrote to him and guessed 4277 + he was a negro.” Quoted in Sally Banes, Greenwich Village, 1963: Avant- 4278 + Garde Performance and the Effervescent Body (Durham, NC: Duke 4279 + University Press, 1993), 206. Along related lines, Patterson’s emphasis 4280 + on diversity of timbres and techniques recalls the composer Olly Wilson’s 4281 + 1992 theorization of the “heterogeneous sound ideal” in Black music: 4282 + “The desirable musical sound texture is one that contains a combination 4283 + 4284 + 4285 + 124 Paper Piece 4286 + of diverse timbres [and a] fundamental bias for contrast of color— 4287 + heterogeneity of sound rather than similarity of color or homogeneity.” 4288 + Olly Wilson, “The Heterogeneous Sound Ideal in Afrodiasporic Music,” in 4289 + Signifying, Sanctifyin’, and Slam Dunking: A Reader in African American 4290 + Expressive Culture, ed. Gena Dagel Caponi (Amherst: University of 4291 + Massachusetts Press, 1999), 160. 4292 + 5. Benjamin Patterson, Paper Piece (Cologne: self-published, 1959–60). 4293 + The dynamic directions ppp and fff are abbreviations for pianississimo 4294 + and fortississimo, which mean “very, very soft” and “very, very loud,” 4295 + respectively. Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 39, folder 33, Getty 4296 + Research Institute, Los Angeles. 4297 + 6. Patterson, Paper Piece. 4298 + 7. Patterson, Paper Piece. 4299 + 8. Patterson, Paper Piece. 4300 + 9. Patterson, Paper Piece. 4301 + 10. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia.” 4302 + 11. Patterson, Paper Piece. 4303 + 12. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia.” 4304 + 13. Nicolas Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics (Dijon: Les Presses du Reel, 4305 + 2002), 33. 4306 + 14. Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics, 30. 4307 + 15. Benjamin Patterson, “Bekenntnis,” in Happenings, Fluxus, Pop Art, 4308 + Nouveau Réalisme: Eine Dokumentation, ed. Jürgen Becker and Wolf 4309 + Vostell (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1965), 241. Translation by the author. 4310 + 16. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia.” 4311 + 17. See Matthew Goodheart, “Freedom and Individuality in the Music of 4312 + Cecil Taylor” (MA thesis, Mills College, 1996), 38. 4313 + 18. Goodheart, “Freedom and Individuality,” 38–39. 4314 + 19. Patterson, “Bekenntnis,” 245. Translation from the German by the 4315 + author. 4316 + 20. Robert P. Morgan, Twentieth-Century Music: A History of Musical Style 4317 + in Modern Europe and America (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 371. 4318 + 21. See Owen Smith, “Developing a Fluxable Forum: Early Performance and 4319 + Publishing,” in The Fluxus Reader, ed. Ken Friedman (Chichester, West 4320 + Sussex: Academy Editions, 1998), 3–21. 4321 + 22. Quoted in Smith, “Developing a Fluxable Forum,” 3–4. An image of “The 4322 + Fluxus Manifesto” (1963) is available on the Museum of Modern Art’s 4323 + website: https://www.moma.org/collection/works/127947. 4324 + 23. Smith, “Developing a Fluxable Forum,” 4. 4325 + 24. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia.” 4326 + 25. Oliver, Radical Presence, 121. 4327 + 26. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia University.” Most accounts of the 4328 + premiere of the work date it to 1960 in Cologne. See “Karlheinz 4329 + 4330 + 4331 + Lewis 125 4332 + Stockhausen: Biography” (Stockhausen-Verlag, 2013), http://www 4333 + .karlheinzstockhausen.org/karlheinz_stockhausen_short_biography 4334 + _english.htm. 4335 + 27. Sheila O’Shea, personal communication with the author, 15 March 2018. 4336 + 28. O’Shea, personal communication. 4337 + 29. The reference is to the discussion of Werktreue, or fealty to the original 4338 + intent of notated compositions, in Lydia Goehr, The Imaginary Museum 4339 + of Musical Works: An Essay in the Philosophy of Music, 2nd ed. (New 4340 + York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 4341 + 30. Patterson, “Lecture at Columbia.” 4342 + 31. Eric Dolphy, final track on the album Last Date, [1965] 2008. 4343 + 32. Ben Patterson, Ben Patterson Tells Fluxus Stories (from 1962 to 2002), ? 4344 + Records 7, 2002, compact disc. 4345 + 4346 + 4347 + 4348 + 4349 + 126 Paper Piece 4350 + 5. La Monte Young, ed.: 4351 + An Anthology of Chance 4352 + Operations (1962–63) 4353 + 4354 + Benjamin Piekut 4355 + 4356 + 4357 + 4358 + In 1960, La Monte Young was in his third year of graduate 4359 + study in composition at University of California at Berkeley, 4360 + where he represented a strange hybrid of beatnik 4361 + counterculture and establishment credibility. That fall, he 4362 + moved to New York City on a pre-doctoral fellowship 4363 + intending to study experimental music composition with 4364 + John Cage at the New School for Social Research. Instead, 4365 + he found Richard Maxfield, who was filling in for Cage with a 4366 + course on electronic music, which Young took.1 4367 + Twenty-five years old, Young arrived on a multiyear 4368 + wave of West Coast transplants that included the dancers 4369 + Yvonne Rainer, Trisha Brown, and Simone Forti; musicians 4370 + Terry Jennings and Joseph Byrd; artists Robert Morris and 4371 + Walter De Maria; and poet Diane Wakoski.2 As a macher of 4372 + the highest order, Young knew how to win friends and 4373 + influence people. Within months, he was at the center of a 4374 + hopping interdisciplinary arts scene that was composed of 4375 + musicians, artists, dancers, and writers who were extending 4376 + Cage’s aesthetic strategies. Populating one corner were the 4377 + alums of Cage’s New School courses of 1956–59, who 4378 + included George Brecht, Dick Higgins, Alison Knowles, Allan 4379 + Kaprow, Jackson Mac Low, and many others. Another of 4380 + those alums, Robert Ellis Dunn, had begun teaching Cage’s 4381 + curriculum in 1960 to dancers at Merce Cunningham’s 4382 + studio, then located above the Living Theatre. Such figures 4383 + as Forti, Rainer, Steve Paxton, Judith Dunn, David Gordon, 4384 + Trisha Brown, Elaine Summers, and Deborah Hay 4385 + participated in these classes, and they would, in 1962, form 4386 + the Judson Dance Theater. Many of these dancers also 4387 + 4388 + ................ 4389 + getty.edu/publications/scores/05/ 127 4390 + continued to perform for the companies of Aileen Passloff 4391 + and James Waring, for whom Maxfield provided musical 4392 + scores. Maxfield would become fast friends with Young, 4393 + who had begun to outline a strong musical aesthetic around 4394 + static, complex sonic textures that invite focused listening 4395 + experiences over long durations. Jennings, Terry Riley (who 4396 + would pass through New York a few years later), and Dennis 4397 + Johnson (who had stayed in California) shared this 4398 + aesthetic, as well as Young’s experience with and 4399 + commitment to various forms of improvised music, chief 4400 + among them African American and South Asian variants. 4401 + (The bumping salon centered on Amiri Baraka’s Cooper 4402 + Square loft and the Five Spot Café had fewer overlaps with 4403 + this white avant-garde, though collaborations and 4404 + exchanges did occur.) 4405 + Young’s other side—conceptual, anti-art, obsessed 4406 + with the new—found common cause with such individuals 4407 + as Morris, De Maria, and Henry Flynt. They sought to 4408 + distinguish themselves from the older crowd, but those 4409 + forerunners could still be found at their concerts, openings, 4410 + and parties: not just Cage and Cunningham but also the 4411 + composer Earle Brown, Cunningham dancer Carolyn Brown, 4412 + pianist David Tudor (who would soon begin performing 4413 + Young’s work in Europe), artist Robert Rauschenberg (who 4414 + would involve himself with Judson Dance Theater a few 4415 + years later), and composer Toshi Ichiyanagi. 4416 + All these cliques bounced off one another at events 4417 + in downtown New York. In a letter to Anna Halprin in 4418 + California, Forti wrote, “N.Y. is full of little ‘movements’ who 4419 + hate each other and who consider each other’s work 4420 + worthless.”3 But they showed up and took in concerts that 4421 + Young organized at Yoko Ono and Toshi Ichiyanagi’s loft on 4422 + Chambers Street, where Forti, Flynt, Jennings, Byrd, Mac 4423 + Low, Maxfield, Morris, Dennis Lindberg, and Young himself 4424 + presented their work from December 1960 to June 1961. 4425 + They showed up at the Reuben Gallery, where Brecht 4426 + presented his “events” and Kaprow and Robert Whitman 4427 + 4428 + 128 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4429 + produced some of their big “happenings,” and where Forti 4430 + debuted Rollers and See-Saw in late 1960.4 And they 4431 + showed up at AG Gallery on Madison Avenue, where co- 4432 + owners Almus Salcius and George Maciunas produced 4433 + several series of concerts and readings in 1961. Their corny 4434 + “modern art” taste was roundly criticized at the time— 4435 + “ghastly,” as Cage put it in a letter to Tudor—but Maciunas, 4436 + in particular, came around quick to the new sensibility.5 4437 + From May to July 1961, AG Gallery had presented works, 4438 + readings, and entire evenings by Cage, Higgins, Mac Low, 4439 + Ichiyanagi, Byrd, Young, Flynt, De Maria, Morris, Baraka, 4440 + Diane di Prima, and the artist Ray Johnson. 4441 + Amid all this hustle and bustle, Chester Anderson, 4442 + the San Francisco poet who edited the small zine Beatitude, 4443 + invited Young to guest edit a special New York version of the 4444 + journal that Anderson was calling Beatitude East. The 4445 + composer subsequently spent late 1960 and early 1961 4446 + gathering materials from his extensive contacts, many of 4447 + whom are named above. He had also written to some poets 4448 + he had met during his visit to the international summer 4449 + course in new music at Darmstadt in 1959: Emmett 4450 + Williams, Dieter Roth (a.k.a. Diter Rot), and Claus Bremer.6 4451 + The manuscript he assembled became AN ANTHOLOGY of 4452 + chance operations concept art anti-art indeterminacy 4453 + improvisation meaningless work natural disasters plans of 4454 + action stories diagrams music poetry essays dance 4455 + constructions mathematics compositions. 4456 + But by late spring of 1961, Beatitude had gone belly 4457 + up, and Anderson had disappeared with the materials. He 4458 + finally returned the collection that June, when Young and 4459 + Mac Low were at AG Gallery having their photographs taken 4460 + for promotional materials. Upon hearing Mac Low’s account 4461 + of the ill-fated magazine issue, Maciunas offered to publish 4462 + the book himself. That September, Maciunas designed the 4463 + distinctive cover and front matter (figs. 5.1, 5.2, and 5.3), as 4464 + well as the individual title pages for each artist entry. (Note 4465 + how almost every name on an artist title page retains its 4466 + 4467 + Piekut 129 4468 + original position on the page listing all of the contributors 4469 + [figs. 5.4, 5.5]). 4470 + By then, Mac Low had joined the production team, 4471 + typing up many of the contributions, correcting negatives, 4472 + and handling communications with the printer. Maciunas, 4473 + meanwhile, had left the country to take a design job with the 4474 + U.S. military in Wiesbaden, West Germany, so Mac Low and 4475 + Young hustled to find funds. They held two benefit concerts 4476 + in early 1962 featuring many of the contributors to the 4477 + volume; these events took place at the Living Theatre, 4478 + whose Sixth Avenue premises had been recently redesigned 4479 + by the architect and patron Paul Williams. (Williams was also 4480 + the planner of the Gate Hill Cooperative outside of Stony 4481 + Point, New York, where Cage, Tudor, M. C. Richards, and 4482 + several others lived during the 1950s and 60s; Cage 4483 + dedicated Williams Mix [1951–53] to him). Williams 4484 + eventually paid the outstanding printing bill for An 4485 + Anthology, but he asked that copyright on the final 4486 + publication be held by both Young and Mac Low, to which 4487 + condition Maciunas agreed. In the end, therefore, we say 4488 + that Young edited it, Maciunas designed it, and Young and 4489 + Mac Low copublished it. An Anthology was finally released 4490 + in an edition of between seven hundred and nine hundred 4491 + copies on the second weekend of May 1963. 4492 + As its full title suggests, the book contains a 4493 + haphazard miscellany. There is notated music for 4494 + conventional recital performance—even if that music is 4495 + indeterminate in nature—by Byrd, Jennings, Ichiyanagi, and 4496 + Christian Wolff. Terry Riley contributed a lovely work of 4497 + graphic notation titled Concert for Two Pianists and Tape 4498 + Recorders (1960) (fig. 5.6, view online), though he does not 4499 + include instructions for interpretation. And there is some 4500 + poetry from Mac Low, Claus Bremer, and Emmett Williams, 4501 + whose Cellar Song for Five Voices (ca. 1960) (fig. 5.7, view 4502 + online) was clearly intended for performance and was in fact 4503 + presented at one of the benefit concerts in early 1962. There 4504 + are even some more-or-less conventional essays on topics of 4505 + 4506 + 130 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4507 + Fig. 5.1 Jackson Mac Low (American, 1922–2004); George Maciunas 4508 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78); La Monte Young (American, b. 1935). 4509 + Pages from AN ANTHOLOGY of chance operations, concept art anti-art 4510 + indeterminacy improvisation meaningless work natural disasters plans of 4511 + action stories diagrams music poetry essays dance constructions 4512 + mathematics compositions, 1962, offset printed. Getty Research Institute, 4513 + item 94-B19099. © Estate of Jackson Mac Low. 4514 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/238/ 4515 + 4516 + 4517 + 4518 + 4519 + Piekut 131 4520 + Figs. 5.2, 5.3 Jackson Mac Low (American, 1922–2004); George 4521 + Maciunas (Lithuanian American, 1931–78); La Monte Young (American, b. 4522 + 1935). Pages from AN ANTHOLOGY of chance operations, concept art anti- 4523 + art indeterminacy improvisation meaningless work natural disasters plans 4524 + of action stories diagrams music poetry essays dance constructions 4525 + mathematics compositions, 1962, offset printed. Getty Research Institute, 4526 + item 94-B19099. © Estate of Jackson Mac Low. 4527 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/238/ 4528 + 4529 + 4530 + 4531 + 4532 + 132 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4533 + Figs. 5.4, 5.5 Jackson Mac Low (American, 1922–2004); George 4534 + Maciunas (Lithuanian American, 1931–78); La Monte Young (American, b. 4535 + 1935). Pages from AN ANTHOLOGY of chance operations, concept art anti- 4536 + art indeterminacy improvisation meaningless work natural disasters plans 4537 + of action stories diagrams music poetry essays dance constructions 4538 + mathematics compositions, 1962, offset printed. Getty Research Institute, 4539 + item 94-B19099. © Estate of Jackson Mac Low. 4540 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/238/ 4541 + 4542 + 4543 + 4544 + 4545 + Piekut 133 4546 + interest at the time, such as Nam June Paik’s rather elliptical 4547 + text on fixed and open form and Flynt’s foundational essay 4548 + “Concept Art,” in which he outlined a field of inquiry where 4549 + structure could be cleaved from aesthetic “crutches” like 4550 + music and isolated as its own site of play and invention. 4551 + “‘Concept art’ is first of all an art of which the material is 4552 + ‘concepts,’ as the material of for ex[ample] music is sound,” 4553 + he wrote. “Since ‘concepts’ are closely bound up with 4554 + language, concept art is a kind of art of which the material is 4555 + language.” 4556 + Maxfield’s thoughtful essays on electronic music 4557 + resonated with the other concerns of An Anthology’s 4558 + contributors. In “Composers, Performance and Publication,” 4559 + he noted how, by working directly with new electronic tools, 4560 + composers had no further need of “obsolete symbols on 4561 + score paper.” As Liz Kotz and others have observed, this 4562 + departure from specialized musical notation and toward 4563 + other notational strategies—namely text scores but also 4564 + magnetic tape—opened up musical strategies to artists 4565 + working outside the discipline.7 Elsewhere during this 4566 + period, Maxfield explicitly linked the aesthetic problems 4567 + posed by tape recording with sculpture, which presented 4568 + similar combinations of fixed media and fluid perception.8 In 4569 + “Music, Electronic and Performed,” he wrote, “Even when 4570 + an art object is completely fixed the aesthetic experience it 4571 + induces is never the same on two different occasions.” 4572 + If these chapters largely remain in their own lanes, 4573 + most of the other contributions support Branden Joseph’s 4574 + contention that working across disciplines was the primary 4575 + marker of being “advanced” after Cage.9 For example, in 4576 + Yoko Ono’s contribution, To George, Poem No. 18, October 4577 + 29, 1961 (1961), the line between drawing and poetry is 4578 + obscured: the poem’s Japanese and English text has been 4579 + almost completely covered up by a black ink wash. Likewise, 4580 + Ichiyanagi’s Mudai #1 for La Monte Young, Dec. 1960 4581 + (1960) (fig. 5.8, view online) offers a few calligraphic marks 4582 + across its blank page. 4583 + 4584 + 134 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4585 + Among the more senior contributors, Earle Brown 4586 + provided Young several spreads from Twenty-Five Pages 4587 + (1953) and two from Folio and 4 Systems (1954), including 4588 + the sublime graphic December 1952 (fig. 5.9, view online), 4589 + which, in its early departure from conventional music 4590 + notation, opened up a route to the myriad uses of the score 4591 + format that can be found elsewhere in An Anthology. 4592 + Even Cage’s 45′ for a Speaker (1954) (fig. 5.10, view 4593 + online) represents an early example of post-disciplinary 4594 + performance that is rarely noted as such. Is it music, an 4595 + expository lecture, or a monologue? The work relishes in this 4596 + ambiguity about category. 4597 + A cluster of Cage’s students from the New School 4598 + courses contributed text scores and events to the volume. In 4599 + fact, the score for Brecht’s first large event, Motor Vehicle 4600 + Sundown (Event) (1960), appears in An Anthology, along 4601 + with two more text pieces by him for performers who 4602 + respond sonically to standard playing cards distributed by a 4603 + dealer. The little section of An Anthology titled “Paragraphs, 4604 + Quotations and Lists” he includes after these text scores 4605 + reiterates the Neo-Dada project of joining art and life. The 4606 + two pieces by Higgins are similar to Brecht’s text scores, 4607 + with a set of common items and a series of directions for 4608 + how to manipulate them. In his own section (at nineteen 4609 + pages, the longest in the publication), Mac Low included 4610 + chance-derived poetry and prose, as well as scores for 4611 + textual performances. 4612 + Three of Walter De Maria’s text scores distinguish 4613 + themselves by producing objects rather than events—boxes 4614 + or a column, for example (more about this in a moment). A 4615 + fourth piece, Beach Crawl (1960), lays out a precise process 4616 + for a group performance at the seashore that ends with 4617 + participants shouting, “Well, that’s new, isn’t it?” This 4618 + fixation on novelty extended to De Maria’s essay 4619 + “Meaningless Work,” which reveals an interest—strongly 4620 + shared at the time with Flynt—for new modalities of 4621 + 4622 + 4623 + 4624 + Piekut 135 4625 + experience that could not be reduced to art, music, labor, or 4626 + entertainment. 4627 + The collection has achieved historical significance 4628 + for a few reasons. The first is its presentation of work that 4629 + would later be construed as representative of musical 4630 + minimalism, sculptural minimalism, postmodern dance, 4631 + sound poetry, event scores, Fluxus, graphic notation, 4632 + concept art, and even a certain strain of electronic music. 4633 + The document is dense with history. It is also an uncertain 4634 + textual object: What are you supposed to do with it? As Liz 4635 + Kotz has documented, Maciunas spent much of 1962 trying 4636 + to convince Young and Mac Low to produce the book with 4637 + handmade, artisanal touches, like covers made of canvas or 4638 + cardboard. The pair refused his innovative ideas. “You may 4639 + want a book that will disappear as rapidly as an Allen [sic] 4640 + Kaprow environment,” wrote Mac Low to Maciunas in early 4641 + 1962. “We want one that will last awhile at least to be at 4642 + least a semi-permanent record of our work.”10 Mac Low may 4643 + have longed for permanence, but that didn’t require fixity; as 4644 + Maciunas realized, a book could do more than record and 4645 + preserve. Dieter Roth’s black page with holes (1961), 4646 + unfortunately absent from the Getty Research Institute’s 4647 + 1962 copy, exemplifies this tension. A detachable sheet of 4648 + white card stock (black stock turned out to be expensive and 4649 + hard to find) with ten holes of two sizes, it is intended to be 4650 + placed over any page of text. The words peeping through the 4651 + holes then become a kind of found poetry. Ultimately, the 4652 + piece is a work of book art as well as a technology for reading 4653 + any book and transforming it into new poetic texts. 4654 + Maciunas’s role in the publication should not be 4655 + overstated. His distinctive typographic style stamps the 4656 + book with an easily recognized graphic identity, but it was 4657 + Young who organized the contents. Maciunas did slip in a 4658 + characteristic typographical intervention in the form of his 4659 + (unattributed) piece Ding Dong, the title of which he inserted 4660 + in the table of contents between the names Dennis Johnson 4661 + and Ray Johnson.11 4662 + 4663 + 136 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4664 + The text consists of a single two-beat phrase—DING 4665 + DONG—repeated relentlessly across the left-hand page, 4666 + margin to margin, and arranging itself into vertical columns, 4667 + or stripes (fig. 5.11, view online). Its status as proto-Fluxus is 4668 + indicated not only by the droll humor and textual ambiguity 4669 + (is it an instruction or a record of past action?) but also by the 4670 + blank seriality of its iterative form. The ding and the dong, 4671 + trading fours forever, might proliferate across a series of 4672 + identical printings, or they might generate (or name) 4673 + countless ringing events. In other words, the repetition of 4674 + the text captures both the multiplicity of the commodity 4675 + form and the singularity of performances that might escape 4676 + it. 4677 + In fact, seriality is one of the most overdetermined 4678 + points of tangle in the years around 1960. For the Maciunas- 4679 + led offramp headed toward Fluxus, the creation of identical 4680 + items in a series took the form of the multiple, or objects and 4681 + boxes (Fluxboxes) filled with trinkets and distributed in small 4682 + editions. As Natilee Harren has persuasively argued, the 4683 + iterative logic of the score, which creates endless repetitions 4684 + of the same relations in the form of events, found its 4685 + sculptural corollary in Fluxus multiples. These latter are 4686 + objects that you treat like scores: You handle them, you 4687 + participate with them, you activate them in small private 4688 + concerts.12 4689 + Although Fluxus multiples were handmade objects 4690 + with little uniformity, they aspired to a condition of 4691 + industrialized, mechanical duplication and administration. 4692 + This aspiration was clear in light of Maciunas’s fascination 4693 + with bureaucratic information management and its symbols, 4694 + such as the filing card, the mailing label, and the taxonomic 4695 + shelving system, as well as his evident belief in the powers 4696 + of centralized planning, modern automation, and industrial 4697 + prefabrication. For example, in his contribution to Flynt’s 4698 + 1965 pamphlet Communists Must Give Revolutionary 4699 + Leadership in Culture (fig. 5.12), Maciunas included plans for 4700 + 4701 + 4702 + 4703 + Piekut 137 4704 + a “Soviet prefabricated building system” using calcium 4705 + silicate insulation foam panels bonded to enamel. 4706 + Ultimately, as Harren argues, Maciunas’s slapdash 4707 + forays into industrial production felt lowbrow compared with 4708 + the cool sophistication of minimalist sculpture or high-gloss 4709 + pop multiples.13 The modular logic of the series, however, 4710 + spans these distinct aesthetic formations. If Maciunas took 4711 + the series in one direction, Young took it in another, one more 4712 + characteristic of what would later be called minimalism. “A 4713 + minimalist work is not diminutive, and it is not 4714 + underdetermined or open to ambient events. It saturates the 4715 + field with uniformity or monotony,” writes Flynt. “The 4716 + audience has to supply the psychological modulations.”14 In 4717 + the short text called “Blank Form” (which is among the 4718 + materials that Robert Morris removed from the final 4719 + publication of An Anthology but that appear in the Getty 4720 + Research Institute’s copy, which is a unique bound proof), 4721 + Morris sketched a related project: “Art is primarily a situation 4722 + in which one assumes an attitude of reacting to some of 4723 + one’s awareness as art.”15 4724 + A fitting example, composed by Young in April 1960 4725 + but titled and premiered in 1961, is Arabic Numeral (Any 4726 + Integer) to H. F., commonly known as X for Henry Flynt. The 4727 + piece directs its performer to make any single, very loud 4728 + sound—in the handwritten copy that can be found in the 4729 + David Tudor Papers (box 14, folder 9), a piano cluster is 4730 + indicated—and to repeat it for a certain predetermined 4731 + number of iterations (which is the “Arabic numeral” in the 4732 + title).16 Young requests an interval of between one and two 4733 + seconds to separate the iterations, using a relatively short 4734 + silence between sounds. As one commentator has pointed 4735 + out, the piece demands uniformity but desires the variety 4736 + that creeps in with fatigue and error.17 Suppose a pianist 4737 + plans 6000 for Henry Flynt, beginning with a massive, two- 4738 + armed cluster on the keyboard, played as loud as possible. 4739 + By repetition number 400, she will have grown very tired. By 4740 + number 3,000, she will be exhausted and barely able to carry 4741 + 4742 + 138 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4743 + Fig. 5.12 Henry Flynt (American, b. 1940); George Maciunas (Lithuanian 4744 + American, 1931–78). Communists Must Give Revolutionary Leadership in 4745 + Culture, 1965, double-sided offset print. Getty Research Institute, Jean 4746 + Brown Papers, 890164, box 263, folder 1. Courtesy of Billie Maciunas. 4747 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/333/ 4748 + 4749 + 4750 + 4751 + 4752 + Piekut 139 4753 + on; her “as loud as possible” will have grown quieter. Once 4754 + fatigue sets in, the pianist will begin dropping notes in the 4755 + cluster. Should the next repetition match the previous 4756 + imperfection, or should it attempt to return to the opening 4757 + sound that was supposed to be repeated uniformly? These 4758 + questions and conundrums can only be produced through 4759 + the performance itself, in which the instructions laid out in 4760 + the text score meet reality in the hands, ears, and body, 4761 + fostering heightened awareness, assessment, and 4762 + adjustment in real time. (One might call that improvisation.) 4763 + A similar arrangement of continuous pressure and 4764 + small adjustment is proposed in the early version of Slant 4765 + Board that Simone Forti contributed to An Anthology 4766 + (wherein it appears as an untitled dance construction).18 4767 + Premiered in early 1961 at Ono’s loft, the construction was a 4768 + large geometric plywood form of the type that would soon 4769 + characterize the early minimalist sculptures of Forti’s 4770 + husband, Robert Morris, who had built it for her following her 4771 + construction plans. It was an eight-by-eight-foot platform, 4772 + raised to a 45-degree angle, from which hung a few knotted 4773 + ropes. Forti’s instructions direct three dancers to move 4774 + across the platform, picking up and dropping ropes as 4775 + necessary to adjust their balance and support. In a manner 4776 + similar to that for X for Henry Flynt, Slant Board assigns a 4777 + basic task to its performers, who then employ that high- 4778 + pressure monotony (a 45-degree angle is not easy) to 4779 + develop microscopic attention to the fine details of their 4780 + bodies’ responses. This dynamic is extended into a 4781 + collaborative scenario in Forti’s other dance construction for 4782 + An Anthology, the earliest statement of her well-known 4783 + group dance Huddle (1961). 4784 + Young himself contributed fourteen word pieces to 4785 + the publication. Three of them, all from 1960, continue the 4786 + proto-minimalist direction discussed above. Composition 4787 + 1960 #7, the only one using musical notation, directs its 4788 + performer to sound a dyad of B and F-sharp “for a long time.” 4789 + Another, Composition 1960 #10 to Bob Morris, generalizes 4790 + 4791 + 140 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4792 + #7 into a meta-rule that dispenses with specialized notation; 4793 + it reads, “Draw a straight line and follow it.” Finally, 4794 + Composition 1960 #9 consists of an unlined index card with 4795 + a single, heavy, straight line drawn across it. The title and 4796 + directions on how to orient the card correctly are printed on 4797 + the outside of an enclosing envelope that is itself pasted 4798 + onto a page of An Anthology. This trio of little pieces 4799 + exemplifies yet again the theme of inscriptive play across the 4800 + publication: musical becomes typographic becomes 4801 + graphic. 4802 + Young’s other word scores constitute a set of 4803 + investigations into the limits and requirements of music as a 4804 + formalized activity. Do you need an audience? An audible 4805 + sound? A performer? A composer? Is the piano sufficient to 4806 + qualify the event as music? What about one’s own distant 4807 + memory of a sound? Can one frame natural phenomena as 4808 + music? What about an imagined sound, one not present 4809 + here? Can music exist in the subjunctive? This spirit of 4810 + relentless questioning and expansion is threaded throughout 4811 + An Anthology. 4812 + 4813 + Notes 4814 + 4815 + 1. See Jeremy Grimshaw, Draw a Straight Line and Follow It: The Music and 4816 + Mysticism of La Monte Young (New York: Oxford University Press, 4817 + 2012). 4818 + 2. The description of Young’s New School colleagues draws on the 4819 + following: Henry Flynt, “La Monte Young in New York, 1960–62,” in 4820 + Sound and Light: La Monte Young and Marian Zazeela, ed. William 4821 + Duckworth and Richard Fleming (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University 4822 + Press, 1996), 44–97; Jackson Mac Low, “How Maciunas Met the New 4823 + York Avant Garde,” in Fluxus: Today and Yesterday (Art and Design 4824 + Profile 28), ed. Johan Pijnappel (London: Academy Editions, 1993); and 4825 + Liz Kotz, “Poetry Machines,” in +/- 1961: Founding the Expanded Arts, 4826 + ed. Julia Robinson and Christian Xatrec (Madrid: Museo Nacional Centro 4827 + de Arte Reina Sofía, 2013), 50–67. 4828 + 3. Simone Forti to Anna Halprin, n.d. [early 1961], Anna Halprin Papers, box 4829 + 1, folder 54, Museum of Performance + Design, San Francisco. 4830 + 4. See Virginia B. Spivey, “The Minimal Presence of Simone Forti,” 4831 + Woman’s Art Journal 30, no. 1 (2009): 11–18. 4832 + 4833 + 4834 + Piekut 141 4835 + 5. John Cage to David Tudor, n.d. [Summer 1961], David Tudor Papers, 4836 + 980039, box 52, folder 3, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 4837 + 6. Kotz, “Poetry Machines,” 65n8. Young’s correspondence indicates that 4838 + he had also asked David Tudor and Hans Helms for materials. Young to 4839 + David Tudor, n.d. [1961], David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 61, folder 2, 4840 + Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 4841 + 7. Liz Kotz, Words to Be Looked At: Language in 1960s Art (Cambridge, 4842 + MA: MIT Press, 2007). 4843 + 8. Richard Maxfield to Peter Yates, 3 October 1961, Peter Yates Papers, box 4844 + 13, folder 6, Mandeville Special Collections, University of California, San 4845 + Diego. 4846 + 9. Branden W. Joseph, Beyond the Dream Syndicate: Tony Conrad and the 4847 + Arts after Cage (New York: Zone Books, 2008). See also Carrie Lambert, 4848 + “More or Less Minimalism: Six Notes on Performance and Visual Art in 4849 + the 1960s,” in A Minimal Future? Art as Object 1958–1968, ed. Ann 4850 + Goldstein and Lisa Gabrielle Mark (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004), 4851 + 103–9. 4852 + 10. Jackson Mac Low, quoted in Kotz, “Poetry Machines,” 51. 4853 + 11. Flynt, “La Monte Young in New York,” 64. 4854 + 12. Natilee Harren, Fluxus Forms: Scores, Multiples, and the Eternal Network 4855 + (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020), 138. 4856 + 13. As Kotz notes about the multiple, “It risks turning Minimalism into a toy, 4857 + something that one would pick up and play with.” Liz Kotz, “Make an 4858 + Object to Be Lost: Multiples and Minimalism,” in The Small Utopia: Ars 4859 + Multiplicata (Milan: Prada Foundation, 2012), 181–89. 4860 + 14. Flynt, “La Monte Young in New York,” 67–68. 4861 + 15. La Monte Young, Jackson Mac Low, and George Maciunas, AN 4862 + ANTHOLOGY of chance operations, concept art anti-art indeterminacy 4863 + improvisation meaningless work natural disasters plans of action stories 4864 + diagrams music poetry essays dance constructions mathematics 4865 + compositions (New York: self-published, 1962), n.p. 4866 + 16. Toshi Ichiyanagi premiered the work on 14 May 1961, at Carnegie Recital 4867 + Hall; David Tudor subsequently performed it at the Darmstadt Summer 4868 + Course later that year. 4869 + 17. Cornelius Cardew, “On the Role of Instructions in the Performance of 4870 + Indeterminate Music” (1965), in Treatise Handbook (New York: Edition 4871 + Peters, 1971). 4872 + 18. For the final version of the score, see Simone Forti, Handbook in Motion 4873 + (Halifax: Press of the Nova Scotia School of Design, 1974). 4874 + 4875 + 4876 + 4877 + 4878 + 142 An Anthology of Chance Operations 4879 + 6. George Brecht: Drip Music (Drip 4880 + Event) (1959–62), from Water 4881 + Yam (1963) 4882 + 4883 + Natilee Harren 4884 + 4885 + 4886 + 4887 + In 1959, in the wake of nearly a decade of postwar 4888 + experimentation with new forms of musical notation, the 4889 + American visual artist George Brecht began to develop a 4890 + genre of text-based performance instruction he called the 4891 + “event score.” Having turned his creative energies away 4892 + from abstract expressionist painting and, correspondingly, 4893 + his intellectual focus away from the work of Jackson Pollock 4894 + and toward that of John Cage, Brecht joined Cage’s 4895 + experimental composition course at the New School for 4896 + Social Research in the summers of 1958 and 1959 (fig. 6.1). 4897 + His notebooks from the time, selections of which are 4898 + included in the Archive section of this chapter, provide an 4899 + illuminating chronicle of this period. 4900 + In the first pages of Brecht’s notebook from the 4901 + summer 1958 class, he records Cage’s description of 4902 + “events in sound-space,” which proposed that the practice 4903 + of experimental composition entailed an expanded notion of 4904 + music including all manner of multisensorial phenomena.1 4905 + With this definition in place, Cage’s class became an 4906 + important crucible for emerging intermedia practices. There, 4907 + new musical thinking was further developed by a younger 4908 + generation of composers, poets, and visual artists including 4909 + Brecht, Allan Kaprow, Jackson Mac Low, Al Hansen, Dick 4910 + Higgins, Toshi Ichiyanagi, Richard Maxfield, and Yoko Ono. 4911 + Honed under Cage’s influence, Brecht’s event score became 4912 + a major genre within Fluxus, the international artist 4913 + collective founded in 1962 by George Maciunas. Brecht’s 4914 + scores were frequently performed at Fluxus concerts, and 4915 + hundreds of Fluxus scores were written following his model. 4916 + 4917 + ................ 4918 + getty.edu/publications/scores/06/ 143 4919 + Fig. 6.1 Students in John Cage’s experimental composition class, New 4920 + School for Social Research, New York, NY, summer 1958. From Al Hansen, 4921 + A Primer of Happenings & Time-Space Art (New York: Something Else 4922 + Press, 1965), 101. 4923 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/556/ 4924 + 4925 + 4926 + 4927 + 4928 + 144 Drip Music (Drip Event) 4929 + While Brecht’s event scores were particularly influential and 4930 + broadly circulated, they were not singular; La Monte Young 4931 + and Ono also composed text scores beginning in the early 4932 + 1960s.2 Due to the event score’s incredible flexibility and 4933 + potential for transmission across disciplines and practices, 4934 + the format has remained a useful tool for myriad conceptual, 4935 + performative, and process-oriented practices from the 4936 + 1960s to the present. 4937 + Among the dozens of event scores Brecht composed 4938 + between 1959 and 1963, his Drip Music (Drip Event) 4939 + (1959–62) remains among the best known and is therefore 4940 + highlighted in this chapter as paradigmatic of the genre (fig. 4941 + 6.2). Drip Music was performed regularly during the first 4942 + Fluxus concert tour in Europe in 1962 and 1963 and became 4943 + known mainly through the interpretations of others, since 4944 + Brecht did not travel to participate in any of those concerts. 4945 + Beginning with realizations of the piece by Dick Higgins in 4946 + Copenhagen (fig. 6.3) and George Maciunas in Düsseldorf 4947 + (fig. 6.4), a performance convention developed wherein a 4948 + single performer climbs a ladder and pours water from a 4949 + pitcher into a vessel (the sound sometimes amplified by a 4950 + contact microphone) placed on the floor below. This version 4951 + of the piece continues to be performed today, as this 4952 + chapter’s Playback section shows. 4953 + Yet there have been many other versions too, 4954 + including several offered by Brecht, which suggests that the 4955 + artist wanted to keep the work perpetually open for 4956 + rethinking. At Rutgers University in spring 1963, Brecht 4957 + himself stood at floor level and performed his drip in a 4958 + modest, undramatic way (fig. 6.5), and in the 1970s he 4959 + created a dripping faucet sculpture for the garden of the 4960 + German collector and multiples publisher Wolfgang Feelisch. 4961 + In contrast with Cage, who preferred his scores to be 4962 + performed by approved collaborators such as David Tudor 4963 + and who notoriously clashed with uncooperative 4964 + performers, Brecht said of his scores, “It’s implicit in the 4965 + scores that any realisation is feasible . . . . Any and every. I 4966 + 4967 + Harren 145 4968 + Fig. 6.2 George Brecht (American, 1926–2008). Drip Music (Drip Event), 4969 + 1959–62, offset print. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 4970 + 890164, box 127 (contained within the compendium Water Yam). © 2022 4971 + Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn. 4972 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/346/ 4973 + 4974 + 4975 + 4976 + 4977 + 146 Drip Music (Drip Event) 4978 + Fig. 6.3 Dick Higgins performing 4979 + George Brecht’s Drip Music (Drip Fig. 6.4 George Maciunas 4980 + Event) at Fluxus–Musik og Anti performing George Brecht’s Drip 4981 + Musik det Instrumentale Teater, Music (Drip Event) at Festum 4982 + Nikolai Kirke, Copenhagen, 25 Fluxorum, Kunstakademie 4983 + November 1962, gelatin silver print. Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf, 2 February 4984 + Getty Research Institute, The 1963. Photograph by Manfred Leve. 4985 + Kitchen Videos and Records, item getty.edu/publications/scores/ 4986 + K2001845. Photographed by Poul object-index/360/ 4987 + Hansen for Dagbladat AKTUELT 4988 + newspaper. The Gilbert and Lila 4989 + Silverman Fluxus Collection Gift, 4990 + 2008. © 2023 Artists Rights Society 4991 + (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, 4992 + Germany. Image © The Museum of 4993 + Modern Art/Licensed by SCALA / 4994 + Art Resource, NY. 4995 + getty.edu/publications/scores/ 4996 + object-index/359/ 4997 + 4998 + 4999 + 5000 + 5001 + Harren 147 5002 + wouldn’t refuse any realisations.”3 Brecht’s own 5003 + interpretations of Drip Music are not to be taken as master 5004 + examples to copy, and they do not exhaust the score’s 5005 + possibilities for interpretation. Rather, the primary text that 5006 + is Drip Music instigates the endless deferral of the work’s 5007 + meaning, in an aesthetic gesture that anticipates 5008 + postmodern critiques of the author and of the metaphysics 5009 + of presence articulated by cultural theorists including Michel 5010 + Foucault, Roland Barthes, and Umberto Eco. Individual 5011 + performances of an event score participate in an ongoing 5012 + revelation of the score’s proposed form—actions and objects 5013 + joined in a certain spatiotemporal arrangement—that 5014 + remains always partially latent or potential. 5015 + As seen in Drip Music, Brecht’s event scores are 5016 + typically brief texts written in generic, open-ended language 5017 + that facilitates vast possibilities for performance and 5018 + experience through its precise imprecision and careful 5019 + attention to material relations and processes. The Brechtian 5020 + event score describes a flexible structure that can 5021 + accommodate an extraordinary range of content while 5022 + maintaining the sparest continuity of identity. It forms the 5023 + basis of a work that is, as Brecht described, “left as open as 5024 + it could be and still have some shape.”4 Individual 5025 + performances of an event score may look or sound very 5026 + different from one to the next, yet one can observe a 5027 + morphological continuity of activity across realizations, 5028 + pointing to Fluxus’s radical rethinking of aesthetic form in 5029 + terms of a mobile structure that exceeds the apparently 5030 + visual and exists at the level of performed relations and 5031 + processes. 5032 + Remarkably, the language of Brecht’s event scores 5033 + can suggest a performative response that is quite internal or 5034 + passive and at times merely observational. Maciunas called 5035 + the scores “temporal readymades,” with the understanding 5036 + that they often simply reframe preexisting phenomena as 5037 + worthy of aesthetic appreciation.5 Accordingly, the art 5038 + historian Julia Robinson has argued that Brecht’s scores 5039 + 5040 + 148 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5041 + Fig. 6.5 George Brecht performing Three Aqueous Events / Drip Music 5042 + (Drip Event) at Happenings, Events, and Advanced Musics, at Douglass 5043 + College, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, 6 April 1963. Photograph 5044 + by Peter Moore; © Northwestern University. 5045 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/362/ 5046 + 5047 + 5048 + 5049 + 5050 + Harren 149 5051 + provide an indexical “interpretive matrix” that mediates our 5052 + relationship to quotidian phenomena, whether performed or 5053 + found, thus radically transforming our experience of the 5054 + everyday.6 For example, Drip Music inverts ordinary 5055 + associations in that, as Brecht noted, “the score calls 5056 + attention to the fact that water dripping can be very 5057 + beautiful—many people find a dripping faucet very 5058 + annoying, they get very nervous. It’s nice to hear it in an 5059 + appreciative way.”7 Recurring references across his scores 5060 + to common objects (such as suitcases, tables, and combs) 5061 + and activities (such as moving objects from one place to 5062 + another and turning things on and off, all of which you can 5063 + explore in the full edition of Water Yam included in this 5064 + chapter) amplify the possibility for artistic events to be 5065 + discovered coincidentally in one’s immediate surroundings. 5066 + Of note, Brecht was professionally trained as a 5067 + research chemist and developed several patents for 5068 + women’s tampons while working in the personal-products 5069 + division of Johnson & Johnson. Deeply interested in 5070 + quantum mechanics, he carried into his creative practice the 5071 + viewpoint from physics that our environment is always in a 5072 + state of flux. It should come as no surprise, then, that 5073 + Brecht’s event scores are invested in the extraordinary 5074 + effects of close attention paid to ordinary objects and 5075 + actions. As his self-referential composition Event Score 5076 + (1965) (fig. 6.6) suggests, such acts of careful observation 5077 + can even extend into the realm of dreams or the 5078 + unconscious. 5079 + Historically, Brecht’s Drip Music marks a hinge 5080 + moment within the longer twentieth-century narrative 5081 + presented in The Scores Project. Drip Music is emblematic of 5082 + the 1960s aesthetic paradigm shift from modernism to 5083 + postmodernism in its recoding of the strategies of Marcel 5084 + Duchamp, Jackson Pollock, and John Cage—three major 5085 + sources for Brecht and his peers as they began to develop 5086 + new, experimental practices. Following Duchamp, the event 5087 + score expands the notion of the readymade to include 5088 + 5089 + 150 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5090 + Fig. 6.6 George Brecht (American, 1926–2008). Event Score, August 5091 + 1965, offset print. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, 5092 + box 3, folder 34. © 2022 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild- 5093 + Kunst, Bonn. 5094 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/345/ 5095 + 5096 + 5097 + 5098 + 5099 + Harren 151 5100 + multisensorial events that unfold through space and time. 5101 + From Pollock, the relationship between the painter and his 5102 + drip is recast from an indexical, autographic signature into an 5103 + infinitely renewable procedure that can be materialized in 5104 + any context, by anyone, and which enables form to emerge 5105 + via automatic processes. (In 1962, Brecht claimed Pollock’s 5106 + drip paintings of 1947–51 as performances of Drip Music’s 5107 + radically simplified “Second version: Dripping,” a move that 5108 + foreshadowed other retroactively designated or readymade 5109 + Fluxus performances, such as Alison Knowles’s Identical 5110 + Lunch [late 1960s–early '70s], a habitual meal reframed as a 5111 + performance piece that is featured in chapter 9.) In the work 5112 + of Cage, Brecht found new strategies for deploying chance 5113 + procedures, which he elaborated in the crucial essay 5114 + “Chance-Imagery,” written in 1957 and published in 1966.8 5115 + In fact, Brecht’s gesture of sending an early draft of the 5116 + essay to Cage facilitated his first meeting with Cage and 5117 + Tudor in 1956; they stopped by Brecht’s home in New Jersey 5118 + while on a mushroom-hunting trip. Relevant here, Cage had 5119 + already proposed water as an ideal indeterminate material in 5120 + his compositions Water Music (1952) and Water Walk 5121 + (1959), the former of which was performed by Tudor in 5122 + Darmstadt in the late 1950s and then again alongside some 5123 + of Brecht’s early scores at Mary Bauermeister’s atelier in 5124 + Cologne in 1960. 5125 + In addition to Cagean indeterminacy, Brecht’s 5126 + notebooks of the period reflect his thinking through Earle 5127 + Brown’s plays with notational ambiguity in graphic scores 5128 + such as December 1952 (1952). Arguably, Brecht’s event 5129 + scores combined both ideas: they produced an 5130 + indeterminate outcome arising from the ambiguous, open- 5131 + ended qualities of written text. Brecht’s quotidian, 5132 + democratic notational language thus avoided the various 5133 + technical limitations introduced by both Cage’s and Brown’s 5134 + intimidatingly complicated musical graphics. As Brecht 5135 + argued in 1959: 5136 + 5137 + 5138 + 5139 + 152 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5140 + The “virtu” of virtuosity must now mean behavior 5141 + out of one’s life-experience; it cannot be delimited 5142 + toward physical [or readerly] skill. The listener 5143 + responding to this sound out of his own experience, 5144 + adds a new element to the system: composer/ 5145 + notation/performer/sound/listener, and, for himself, 5146 + defines the sound as music. For the virtuoso listener 5147 + all sound may be music.9 5148 + 5149 + In terms of distribution, Brecht’s event scores were 5150 + in many ways a rather private, intimate format. Initially quite 5151 + diverse in their graphic and material presentation, the artist 5152 + hand-wrote or typed his scores on pieces of paper and 5153 + mailed them to other artists, imagining individual works as 5154 + “little enlightenments I wanted to communicate to my 5155 + friends who would know what to do with them.”10 As the 5156 + Archive section of this chapter shows, Brecht’s scores 5157 + circulated within music, poetry, and experimental 5158 + performance circles well before their association with 5159 + Fluxus. Moreover, ephemera included here show that Brecht 5160 + wanted his works published in literary magazines and 5161 + newspapers such as Kulchur and The Village Voice at the 5162 + same time that they appeared on the concert programs of 5163 + alternative venues like the Living Theatre. At the request of 5164 + Cage, who had witnessed the development of the Brechtian 5165 + event score (including a 1959 performance of Brecht’s Time- 5166 + Table Music (1959) at Grand Central Station), Brecht sent 5167 + some of his compositions to Tudor, after which they quickly 5168 + found an international audience in the avant-garde music 5169 + world. Tudor performed Brecht’s Candle-Piece for Radios 5170 + (1959) and Card-Piece for Voice (1959) at Bauermeister’s 5171 + atelier in 1960 (fig. 6.7). The following year, Tudor presented 5172 + the composer’s Incidental Music (1961) at the Internationale 5173 + Ferienkurse für Neue Musik in Darmstadt and at the Sogetsu 5174 + Art Center in Tokyo. Brecht’s correspondence with Tudor, 5175 + the composer Toshi Ichiyanagi, poet M. C. Richards, theater 5176 + and dance critic Jill Johnston, and Maciunas—examples of 5177 + 5178 + 5179 + Harren 153 5180 + which are included in this chapter—reveals the scores’ rich, 5181 + multidisciplinary reception. 5182 + From 1962, Brecht’s compositions appeared 5183 + regularly on Fluxus programs and in publications 5184 + spearheaded by Maciunas, who undertook the design and 5185 + production of an anthology of Brecht’s scores among the 5186 + other anthologies of Fluxus works he was diligently 5187 + preparing. The result of Maciunas and Brecht’s collaboration 5188 + was Water Yam, a small container in wood or cardboard 5189 + (depending on the edition or individual copy) that encloses 5190 + some seventy to one hundred (again, depending on the 5191 + example) of Brecht’s scores, printed on loose cards of 5192 + varying sizes (fig. 6.8). The publication’s portable, unbound 5193 + design—which you can browse or filter by keyword in an 5194 + interactive digital edition included in this chapter— 5195 + accelerates the already active engagement of readers as 5196 + they order, rearrange, and identify correlations between the 5197 + scores, perhaps even further distributing the cards as 5198 + individual works. What’s more, the container’s materiality, 5199 + dimensions, and label, as well as its specific contents, varied 5200 + across individual copies of Water Yam as editions were 5201 + sporadically compiled in batches over the years. The 5202 + collaborative process whereby Brecht’s event scores are 5203 + interpreted and performed beyond the artist’s oversight thus 5204 + threaded through the process of the production and 5205 + distribution of the scores themselves, not only as part of the 5206 + Fluxus publishing program directed by Maciunas but also 5207 + beyond. 5208 + As a notational format positioned between music, 5209 + poetry, performance, and visual art, the event score proved 5210 + to be profoundly generative for artists seeking new modes of 5211 + working beyond established disciplinary or medium 5212 + specializations from the 1960s onward. Many pathways can 5213 + be traced through the aftermath of Brecht’s event scores and 5214 + related forms of neo-avant-garde notation: 5215 + postminimalism’s concern with process; conceptual art’s 5216 + engagements with language and the framing of experience; 5217 + 5218 + 154 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5219 + Fig. 6.7 Manfred Leve, Benjamin Patterson, Hans G. Helms, Ursula Kagel, 5220 + Khris Helms, David Tudor, and others performing George Brecht’s Card- 5221 + Piece for Voice (1959) as part of the “Contre-Festival,” organized during the 5222 + IGNM-Weltmusikfestes, Atelier Mary Bauermeister, Cologne, Germany, 15 5223 + June 1960. Getty Research Institute, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 5224 + 159. Courtesy of the Manfred Leve Estate. 5225 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/237/ 5226 + 5227 + 5228 + 5229 + 5230 + Harren 155 5231 + Fig. 6.8 George Brecht (American, 1926–2008). Water Yam, 1963, 5232 + wooden box with label containing ninety-one scores printed on various 5233 + sizes and colors of card stock. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown 5234 + Papers, 890164, box 127. © 2022 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / 5235 + VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn. 5236 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/348/ 5237 + 5238 + 5239 + 5240 + 5241 + 156 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5242 + works made all or in part by delegated production; 5243 + participatory practices that rely on basic instructions that 5244 + yield varying results; and the do-it-yourself ethic pervasive 5245 + within the larger postwar counterculture. The diversity of 5246 + the event score’s legacy should come as no surprise if we 5247 + take seriously the words of Cornelius Cardew, a friend to 5248 + Brecht during his time in London in the late 1960s, who once 5249 + wrote that Water Yam is best understood as “a course of 5250 + study, and following on that, a teaching instrument.”11 5251 + Arguably, it still contains many lessons for us today. 5252 + 5253 + Notes 5254 + 5255 + 1. George Brecht, notebook of late June 1958, reprinted as George 5256 + Brecht—Notebooks, vol. 1, June–September 1958, ed. Dieter Daniels 5257 + and Hermann Braun (Cologne: Walther König, 1991), 4. 5258 + 2. Liz Kotz, “Post-Cagean Aesthetics and the Event Score,” in Words to Be 5259 + Looked At: Language in 1960s Art (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007), 5260 + 59–98. 5261 + 3. Michael Nyman, “An Interview with George Brecht” (1976), in Henry 5262 + Martin, An Introduction to George Brecht’s Book of the Tumbler on Fire 5263 + (Milan: Multhipla Edizioni, 1978), 108. On a notable controversy 5264 + regarding the performance of Cage’s work, see Benjamin Piekut, “When 5265 + Orchestras Attack! John Cage Meets the New York Philharmonic,” in 5266 + Experimentalism Otherwise: The New York Avant-Garde and Its Limits 5267 + (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 20–64. 5268 + 4. Nyman, “Interview with George Brecht,” 110. 5269 + 5. George Brecht, quoting George Maciunas in a letter to Brecht, early 5270 + 1963, George Maciunas Correspondence, Hanns Sohm Archive, 5271 + Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, Stuttgart, Germany. 5272 + 6. Julia Robinson, “From Abstraction to Model: In the Event of George 5273 + Brecht & the Conceptual Turn in the Art of the 1960s” (PhD diss., 5274 + Princeton University, 2008), 111–13. See also Julia Robinson, “From 5275 + Abstraction to Model: George Brecht’s Events and the Conceptual Turn in 5276 + Art of the 1960s,” October 127 (Winter 2009): 77–108; and Julia 5277 + Robinson, George Brecht: Events; A Heterospective (Cologne: Walther 5278 + König, 2005). 5279 + 7. Nyman, “Interview with George Brecht,” 110. 5280 + 8. George Brecht, “Chance-Imagery,” A Great Bear Pamphlet (New York: 5281 + Something Else Press, 1966), republished in 2004 on UbuWeb, https:// 5282 + www.ubu.com/historical/gb/brecht_chance.pdf. 5283 + 5284 + 5285 + 5286 + Harren 157 5287 + 9. George Brecht, George Brecht—Notebooks, vol. 3, April–August 1959, 5288 + ed. Dieter Daniels and Hermann Braun (Cologne: Walther König, 1991), 5289 + 123. 5290 + 10. George Brecht, “The Origin of ‘Events’” (August 1970), in Happening & 5291 + Fluxus, ed. Harald Szeemann and Hanns Sohm (Cologne: Kölnischer 5292 + Kunstverein, 1970), n.p. 5293 + 11. Cornelius Cardew, concert program notes for Events by George Brecht: 5294 + Selections from “Water YAM,” Royal Court Theatre, London, 22 5295 + November 1970. 5296 + 5297 + 5298 + 5299 + 5300 + 158 Drip Music (Drip Event) 5301 + 7. Jackson Mac Low: Three Social 5302 + Projects (1963) 5303 + 5304 + John Hicks 5305 + 5306 + 5307 + 5308 + 5309 + At around 2:30 in the afternoon on Monday, 29 April 1963, 5310 + the poet and performer Jackson Mac Low mailed four 5311 + postcards to the double bassist and composer Benjamin 5312 + Patterson. That evening, he sent two more—one 5313 + postmarked 6:00 p.m. and the sixth and final postmarked 5314 + 7:30. Earlier that day, Mac Low had sent copies of three of 5315 + the six postcards by airmail to an address in Paris shared by 5316 + the Romanian-born Swiss artist and writer Daniel Spoerri, 5317 + the American concrete poet Emmett Williams, and the 5318 + French artist and poet Robert Filliou (fig. 7.1). 5319 + Each postcard was a plain, unlined index card, on the 5320 + back of which were typed, in all caps, titles and texts of 5321 + short compositions that are difficult to categorize. The 5322 + works bear a resemblance to a number of different genres, 5323 + from mail art to lyric poetry, music, and drama, with each 5324 + category offering a different context in which the works 5325 + might be interpreted or realized in performance. Mac Low 5326 + was best known as a poet, and the ragged right-hand margin 5327 + of the typewritten texts do have the recognizable shape of 5328 + thin-column free verse. (For comparison, A. R. Ammons’s 5329 + Tape for the Turn of the Year [1965], composed on adding- 5330 + machine tape, was begun later in 1963.)1 But the simple 5331 + diction, syntax, and crudely direct instructional phrasing 5332 + make it quite difficult to identify Mac Low’s pieces as short 5333 + lyric poems. Indeed, the language of the postcards does not 5334 + resemble that of Mac Low’s explicitly poetic texts—which 5335 + since the mid-1950s had been composed using elaborate, 5336 + chance-based procedures—or that of any other avant-garde 5337 + poets of his generation. Instead, Patterson and the other 5338 + 5339 + ................ 5340 + getty.edu/publications/scores/07/ 159 5341 + Fig. 7.1 Map showing locations relevant to the creation and distribution of 5342 + Jackson Mac Low’s postcard scores, spring 1963. 5343 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/404/ 5344 + 5345 + 5346 + 5347 + 5348 + 160 Three Social Projects 5349 + recipients probably would have recognized the format of the 5350 + postcards as belonging to what is now known as the event 5351 + score. These short instructional texts had been circulating 5352 + among artists associated with the Neo-Dadaist group that 5353 + had in 1961 been given the name Fluxus by the group’s 5354 + instigator, the Lithuanian-born American artist George 5355 + Maciunas.2 Mac Low himself later recalled that the Fluxus 5356 + event scores had two main models: 5357 + 5358 + La Monte [Young]’s Compositions 1960: musical 5359 + and performance works whose scores . . . were short 5360 + descriptive paragraphs (eventually published in An 5361 + Anthology) and George Brecht’s card pieces, 5362 + composed from 1959 to ’62 and—beginning 5363 + sometime in ’61—mailed to friends [later collected in 5364 + the Water Yam box]. . . . Brecht’s most characteristic 5365 + card pieces are extremely laconic and 5366 + “demonstrative” rather than descriptive.3 5367 + 5368 + Although Mac Low and Patterson had gotten to 5369 + know each other following Patterson’s return to New York 5370 + from Germany, Mac Low had never met the Paris-based 5371 + artists to whom he also mailed the postcards. Spoerri, 5372 + Williams, and Filliou most likely knew of Mac Low through 5373 + the selection of his works included in An Anthology of 5374 + Chance Operations (1962–63) (fig. 7.2); or by his reputation 5375 + as one of the composers featured in the famous Chambers 5376 + Street concert series organized by La Monte Young in 1961 5377 + (fig. 7.3). 5378 + As the program for the concert at 112 Chambers 5379 + Street suggests, in describing his art as consisting of 5380 + “poetry, music, and theatre works,” Mac Low was a 5381 + legitimate polymath: in addition to being a poet, Mac Low 5382 + had been writing music since childhood, going through a 5383 + twelve-tone phase and then eventually experimenting with 5384 + Cagean chance operations, both in music and in textual 5385 + works.4 He had been hired as a composer by director Judith 5386 + Malina to write the musical accompaniment for the Living 5387 + 5388 + Hicks 161 5389 + Fig. 7.2 Jackson Mac Low (American, 1922–2004; George Maciunas 5390 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78); La Monte Young (American, b. 1935). 5391 + Pages from Mac Low’s contribution to a unique copy of AN ANTHOLOGY of 5392 + chance operations, concept art anti-art indeterminacy improvisation 5393 + meaningless work natural disasters plans of action stories diagrams music 5394 + poetry essays dance constructions mathematics compositions, 1962, 5395 + offset printed. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Collection, item 5396 + 94-B19099. Courtesy of the Estate of Jackson Mac Low. 5397 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/238/#fig-238-an 5398 + 5399 + 5400 + 5401 + 5402 + 162 Three Social Projects 5403 + Fig. 7.3 Program for Poetry, Music, and Theatre Works: Jackson Mac Low, 5404 + the fifth concert in the series organized by La Monte Young at Yoko Ono’s 5405 + studio, 112 Chambers Street, New York, NY, 8–9 April 1961. Getty 5406 + Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 32, folder 6. 5407 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/275/ 5408 + 5409 + 5410 + 5411 + 5412 + Hicks 163 5413 + Theatre’s 1954 staging of W. H. Auden’s poem The Age of 5414 + Anxiety (1947), and the Living Theatre also staged Mac 5415 + Low’s own work The Marrying Maiden: A Play of Changes 5416 + (1960), with a musical setting by John Cage, which ran for 5417 + forty-seven performances during 1960 and 1961.5 5418 + By the time he made and sent the April 1963 5419 + postcards, Mac Low’s works had been produced as plays in 5420 + theaters, as music in concert venues, as poetry readings, 5421 + and as published texts. In published form, Mac Low’s texts 5422 + included explanations of the procedures used to produce 5423 + them and/or performance instructions (which themselves 5424 + frequently involved chance operations, performer choice, or 5425 + both). The postcard scores, however, were not accompanied 5426 + by any procedural notes, nor did they announce themselves 5427 + as belonging to any one specific performance context. As a 5428 + result of this ambiguity, how we understand the concept of 5429 + the score can produce profound impacts on how we 5430 + understand what Mac Low may have envisioned his 5431 + colleagues, and future performers, might do with these 5432 + works. 5433 + The postcard Mac Low mailed to Patterson at 7:30 5434 + p.m. on 29 April, his final installment for the day, presents an 5435 + instance of the event score as a private, contemplative 5436 + exercise or an inward task of concentration and discipline, 5437 + with little if any room left for spectatorship other than a 5438 + thinking reader: Light Rhythms for Henry Flynt (29 February 5439 + 1963) contains a series of instructions for what presumably 5440 + must be an individual performer, to be realized in the rear car 5441 + of a subway train. It gives the reader-performer the difficult 5442 + task of concentrating on the rhythmic appearance of the 5443 + tunnel lights being passed by the moving train rather than 5444 + the loud, percussive sounds and the felt rhythms (bumping 5445 + and swaying) produced by the train’s movement along the 5446 + tracks. 5447 + In the first postcard sent to Patterson, Mac Low 5448 + attempts to combine the hallmarks of both the models cited 5449 + above—Brecht’s abstract, conceptual titles, and Young’s 5450 + 5451 + 164 Three Social Projects 5452 + interest in either droning or repetitive structures that 5453 + continue for long periods of time. The score for Architecture 5454 + (for GB)—the GB being Brecht’s initials—which is dated 28 5455 + April 1963, the day before it was mailed to Patterson, 5456 + contains the following instructions: 5457 + 5458 + Look at a wall 5459 + Memorize it 5460 + Go away and wait a week 5461 + Build a wall just like it 5462 + Go away and wait a week 5463 + Tear the new wall down 5464 + Go away and wait a week 5465 + 5466 + The instructional text then loops through this 5467 + sequence three more times (to the bottom of the card), 5468 + followed by “&c,” so that, in theory, the sequence should be 5469 + repeated ad infinitum, or at least a large number of times. For 5470 + a sense of the scale of repetition that these artists were 5471 + interested in, one might look to Young’s X for Henry Flynt 5472 + (April 1960), a.k.a. Arabic Numeral (Any Integer) to H. F., 5473 + which calls for a single chord to be sounded at regular 5474 + intervals for a number of times to be decided prior to each 5475 + performance (see chapter 5). Young’s score for this work, 5476 + which he sent to the pianist David Tudor in hopes of having 5477 + him perform it, provides 1,688 and 2,219 as examples of 5478 + integers that might be selected.6 Or, one might look to the 5479 + epic eighteen-hour-and-forty-minute performance of 840 5480 + consecutive renditions of Erik Satie’s Vexations (ca. 5481 + 1893–94) organized by John Cage and presented on 9–10 5482 + September 1963 at the Pocket Theatre in New York. 5483 + In this frame of reference, and in light of Patterson’s 5484 + own compositions utilizing everyday materials, such as 5485 + Paper Piece (1960; see chapter 4), Patterson might have 5486 + viewed Mac Low’s Architecture as a musical composition— 5487 + the sounds resulting from the acts of looking at, memorizing, 5488 + building, and tearing down a wall, with specified intervals or 5489 + rests between each “movement.” Note, however, that even 5490 + 5491 + Hicks 165 5492 + just the rest intervals that are to be performed during the four 5493 + rounds of instructions that appear before the “&c.” would 5494 + require a minimum of twelve weeks to perform. A larger 5495 + number of repetitions could easily require years or even 5496 + decades to be performed, perhaps even exceeding the life 5497 + expectancy of any one individual. 5498 + Most readers, myself included, will likely engage 5499 + with the work more figuratively—as a prompt for some kind 5500 + of meditation or reflection—rather than attempt a 5501 + performance of it. If we read “Architecture” as a poetic or 5502 + literary work, for instance, we may see in it an allusion to the 5503 + story of Bodhidharma, the monk who is said to have brought 5504 + Chan Buddhism to China in the fifth or sixth century CE after 5505 + a ten-year-long meditation in front of a wall. The thin, ragged 5506 + column of text has the look of a poem, after all, and the 5507 + repetition might even be seen as a playful reintroduction of 5508 + rhyme in a free-verse context. 5509 + But whereas a postcard containing the typewritten 5510 + text of “Architecture” the poem could be considered a 5511 + finished piece on its own, the same postcard containing Mac 5512 + Low’s Architecture the musical work has the intermediate 5513 + status of a score. The work itself is only realized in a given 5514 + performance. Likewise, Architecture might be considered a 5515 + dramatic composition for the theater: the script for a play 5516 + containing no dialogue, only mise-en-scène and stage 5517 + directions. The script may be printed out, but the work itself 5518 + must be realized in a performance. This dramatic/theatrical 5519 + work, too, would have a powerfully resonant context within 5520 + the midcentury avant-garde and within Mac Low’s specific 5521 + artistic network: Antonin Artaud’s proposals for the 5522 + “Theater of Cruelty” genre in his collection of essays Le 5523 + Théâter et son double (1938) were an important influence on 5524 + Mac Low’s collaborators Judith Malina and Julian Beck of 5525 + the Living Theatre. Artaud’s ideas would come to wider 5526 + renown through M. C. Richards’s English translation, 5527 + published in 1958.7 Arguing that the mere performance of 5528 + dialogue is not sufficient to distinguish theatrical works from 5529 + 5530 + 166 Three Social Projects 5531 + novels or other printed works that can be read aloud, Artaud 5532 + called for spectacles that would “put an end to the 5533 + subjugation of the theater to the text” and instead 5534 + foreground “all the means of expression utilizable on the 5535 + stage, such as music, dance, plastic arts, pantomime, 5536 + mimicry, gesticulation, intonation, architecture, lighting, 5537 + and scenery.”8 5538 + Another postcard score, Schedule (for George 5539 + Brecht) (1963), has a repetitive structure that mirrors that of 5540 + Architecture but creates challenges for the performer from 5541 + an entirely different angle. In two narrow columns, the text 5542 + of the score repeats sixteen iterations of the following 5543 + instructions: “Sleep awhile / Wake up / Do something,” 5544 + followed by an ellipsis. If Architecture appears to require the 5545 + concentration of a Buddhist saint, Schedule seems designed 5546 + to expose the polar opposite of virtuosic difficulty, namely 5547 + that of extreme ease of realization. Rather than presenting 5548 + difficulties that are nearly impossible to overcome, the score 5549 + of Schedule is ineluctable: it is so effortless to realize that it 5550 + is, in effect, impossible not to perform the work short of 5551 + falling into a coma or dying. Under normal living conditions, 5552 + an ideal performance is virtually effortless, whether one 5553 + intends one’s daily activities to be part of the work or not. 5554 + Indeed, it may not even be possible to intentionally begin a 5555 + performance of this work, given that the instructions start 5556 + with the largely involuntary act of sleeping.9 5557 + In composing texts that explore these extreme poles 5558 + of performability—from impossible difficulty to inescapable 5559 + ease—Mac Low seems to be intentionally provoking his 5560 + colleagues to confront whether the practical concerns of 5561 + real-world performances should or should not be considered 5562 + as an essential component of the still-emerging genre of the 5563 + event score. In short, does it matter whether a score can be 5564 + performed in the real world, or are Fluxus event scores, at 5565 + the end of the day, little more than playful thought 5566 + experiments? These questions and distinctions become 5567 + 5568 + 5569 + 5570 + Hicks 167 5571 + most pressing, however, in Mac Low’s three Social Project 5572 + scores: 5573 + 5574 + Social Project 1: Find a way to end unemployment / 5575 + or / find a way for people to live without employment 5576 + / make whichever one you find work 5577 + Social Project 2: Find a way to end war / make it work 5578 + Social Project 3: Find a way to produce everything 5579 + everybody needs and to get it to them / make it work 5580 + 5581 + Are these pieces not, in effect, impossible to 5582 + perform, or are they possible only to attempt? Much like the 5583 + other postcards, the Social Projects seem designed to 5584 + dramatically expose the outer edges of our conception of 5585 + performance. But even supposing that one of the Social 5586 + Project scores were to be successfully performed, further 5587 + problems remain for conceiving of them as performance 5588 + works. The piece could never be performed again because 5589 + the preexisting state of affairs (war, hunger, need) would 5590 + have been eradicated and would no longer be available as 5591 + materials/media with which the artists could perform the 5592 + work (similar to any work that requires the complete 5593 + exhaustion of some limited resource). However far-fetched 5594 + an initial realization might be for one of these works, the 5595 + impossibility of a second performance seems to run counter 5596 + to one of the most minimal criteria for the definition of a 5597 + “score”: namely, that the score be capable of generating 5598 + multiple performances, allowing for divergent 5599 + interpretations to emerge over time and extend the 5600 + possibilities of the work with each new performance or 5601 + realization. 5602 + This collision of practical and conceptual concerns 5603 + regarding the nature of the performance score would likely 5604 + have been extremely relevant to Mac Low’s artistic 5605 + colleagues, who were busy preparing inventive new 5606 + performances of Fluxus event scores for the festivals that 5607 + were planned for the summer of 1963 in the United States 5608 + and Europe. As a historical matter, though, there was an 5609 + 5610 + 168 Three Social Projects 5611 + even more immediate point of reference for Patterson and 5612 + the other recipients of Mac Low’s postcards: the two-page, 5613 + single-spaced, all-caps response that Mac Low had mailed 5614 + just four days earlier, on 25 April 1963, to all of the Fluxus 5615 + “members” who had received Maciunas’s Fluxus News— 5616 + Policy Letter, no. 6 (dated 6 April 1963), which contained 5617 + proposals for “Fluxus Propaganda” activities that Maciunas 5618 + had drafted with Henry Flynt. Flynt’s and Maciunas’s 5619 + proposed protest actions were explicitly Marxist-Leninist, 5620 + and in some cases they were violent expressions of anti-art 5621 + agitprop (for example, calling in bomb threats to cultural 5622 + institutions in order to divert audiences to Fluxus events) 5623 + that were incompatible with Mac Low’s long-held pacifist 5624 + and anarchist beliefs.10 The proposed actions also clashed 5625 + with Mac Low’s sense of individualism, which led him to 5626 + resist being named as a member of any particular political 5627 + group, even those with which he largely agreed.11 5628 + In his 25 April letter, Mac Low writes: 5629 + 5630 + I INSIST THAT ALL CULTURAL ACTIVITIES BE 5631 + TRULY BENEVOLENT & POSITIVE & DONE IN A 5632 + SPIRIT OF LOVE RATHER THAN ONE OF SCORNFUL 5633 + CONTEMPT OR HATRED OR POLEMIC. I WD NOT, 5634 + EXCEPT IN CERTAIN EXCEPTIONAL 5635 + CIRCUMSTANCES, BOTHER TO ATTACK &/OR 5636 + DEFILE WRONG TYPES OF CULTURAL ACTIVITY. I 5637 + WD RATHER CARRY ON THE RIGHT KINDS OF 5638 + CULTURAL ACTIVITY (OR ANY OTHER ACTIVITY, 5639 + FOR THAT MATTER) & BY DOGGED 5640 + PERSEVERANCE DO ALL I CAN TO REPLACE THE 5641 + NEGATIVE BY THE POSITIVE, TRUSTING THAT 5642 + ANY STEP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION IS A STEP IN 5643 + THE RIGHT DIRECTION & THAT BY ENOUGH SUCH 5644 + STEPS WE WILL BE ABLE TO SUPERSEDE AN 5645 + UNDESIRABLE SITUATION BY A DESIRABLE ONE. 5646 + WE WON’T BE ABLE TO DO THIS BY MAKING IT 5647 + HARDER FOR THE ORDINARY WORKER TO MAKE 5648 + 5649 + 5650 + Hicks 169 5651 + HIS LIVING OR TO GET ABOUT THE CITY OR TO 5652 + COMMUNICATE. 5653 + 5654 + Those who received his letter of protest to Policy 5655 + Letter, no. 6 likely would have seen his Social Project 5656 + postcard texts in light of this dispute—perhaps even as a 5657 + restatement of his arguments in a format uniquely tailored to 5658 + the Fluxus members he hoped to persuade. That is, instead 5659 + of a two-page, all-caps rant, which Maciunas would refer to 5660 + as one of the “hysterical outbursts . . . from people who 5661 + failed to read the attached sheet [to Policy Letter, no. 6],”12 5662 + Mac Low presents his objections in the form of a Fluxus 5663 + event score. In doing so, he calls on his interlocutors to 5664 + articulate more clearly the ethical stances and theories of 5665 + social change that were being implicitly invoked in this newly 5666 + expanded model of artistic performance. 5667 + Viewed as a group, the six postcards Mac Low 5668 + mailed to Patterson in April 1963 explore several axes along 5669 + which the idea of the score was expanding: as public or 5670 + collective performance, private reflection, political action, 5671 + an art form of the everyday, an orientation towards process, 5672 + and a tool for artistic collaboration. At the same time, these 5673 + scores maintain their connection to existing genres and 5674 + performance contexts such as mail art, protest art, poetry, 5675 + music, and theater. Nonetheless, their richness derives less 5676 + from the pure potentiality of all these possible modes than 5677 + from the need to make and commit to choices among them 5678 + along the way to a realization: to find a way and make it 5679 + work. 5680 + 5681 + Notes 5682 + The author wishes to thank to Benjamin Bishop, Alexis Briley, Aaron 5683 + Hodges, and Sarah Senk for their feedback on earlier versions of this 5684 + essay. 5685 + 5686 + 1. For an image of Ammons’s manuscript for this work, see Archie Ammons 5687 + Papers, #14-12-2665, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, 5688 + 5689 + 5690 + 5691 + 5692 + 170 Three Social Projects 5693 + Cornell University Library, https://digital.library.cornell.edu/catalog/ss 5694 + :23093081. 5695 + 2. Patterson’s own self-published Methods and Processes (Paris, 1962) 5696 + was an important early collection of such scores, along with George 5697 + Brecht’s Water Yam (1963) and Yoko Ono’s Grapefruit (1964). 5698 + 3. Nicholas Zurbrugg, “Jackson Mac Low Interviewed by Nicholas 5699 + Zurbrugg” (16 January 1991), Crayon 1 (1997): 277–78. Mac Low notes 5700 + that “all of Young’s 1960 compositions and Brecht’s card pieces were 5701 + written long before Fluxus was ‘founded’ by Maciunas,” 288. 5702 + 4. Zurbrugg, “Jackson Mac Low Interviewed by Nicholas Zurbrugg,” 5703 + 264–65. 5704 + 5. Mac Low’s script consists of an “action pack” of approximately fourteen 5705 + hundred playing cards containing single-line instructions for the play’s 5706 + nine performers. Cards are distributed to the actors by a silent “dice 5707 + player” who also manipulates the playback of Cage’s tape-loop score. 5708 + See Jackson Mac Low, Representative Works: 1938–1985 (New York: 5709 + Roof, 1986), 44–51. For Cage’s tape-loop score and a nine-minute 5710 + recording, see John Cage, Music for “The Marrying Maiden” (New York: 5711 + Henmar Press, 1960), Edition Peters nos. 6737 (score) and 6737a (tape). 5712 + 6. For the version of X for Henry Flynt that Young sent to Tudor, see David 5713 + Tudor Papers, 980039, box 14, folder 9, and the recording in box 34A, 5714 + item R325, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 5715 + 7. Antonin Artaud, The Theater and Its Double, trans. Mary Caroline 5716 + Richards (New York: Grove, 1958). For further discussion in this volume 5717 + of Artaud and of Richards’s translation of The Theater and Its Double, see 5718 + the “Music, Scores, and Indeterminacy” and “Scoring Intermedia” 5719 + sections of the introduction, and the commentaries by Michael Gallope 5720 + and Nancy Perloff in chapter 2 and Gallope in chapter 3. 5721 + 8. Artaud, Theater and Its Double, 89, 40. 5722 + 9. The notion of an involuntary or unintended presentation of a performance 5723 + score will be taken up again in chapter 9 on Alison Knowles’s Identical 5724 + Lunch. 5725 + 10. Mac Low’s commitment to pacifist anarchism dates back at least to the 5726 + early 1940s, when he published a series of interviews with conscientious 5727 + objectors who were imprisoned for refusing to serve in the U.S. armed 5728 + forces during World War II. For Mac Low’s anarchist writings and political 5729 + activism, see Louis Cabri, “‘Rebus Effort Remove Government’: Jackson 5730 + Mac Low, Why? / Resistance, Anarcho-pacifism,” Crayon 1 (1997): 5731 + 45–68; Andrew Cornell, Unruly Equality: U.S. Anarchism in the 20th 5732 + Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016), 163, 183–87; 5733 + and Al Filreis, “Adjustment and Its Discontents: Aleatory Art vs. Cold 5734 + War Deradicalization,” in 1960: When Art and Literature Confronted the 5735 + Memory of World War II and Remade the Modern (New York: Columbia 5736 + 5737 + 5738 + Hicks 171 5739 + University Press, 2021), 131–63. For more on the dispute between Mac 5740 + Low and Maciunas regarding art/anti-art/art engagé, see Cuauhtémoc 5741 + Medina, “The ‘Kulturbolschewiken’ I: Fluxus, the Abolition of Art, the 5742 + Soviet Union, and ‘Pure Amusement,’” RES: Anthropology and 5743 + Aesthetics 48 (2005): 179–92; and Cuauhtémoc Medina, “The 5744 + ‘Kulturbolschewiken’ II: Fluxus, Khrushchev, and the ‘Concretist 5745 + Society,’” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 49–50 (2006): 231–43. 5746 + See also Dick Higgins, Intermedia, Fluxus, and the Something Else Press, 5747 + ed. Steve Clay and Ken Friedman (Catskill, NY: Siglio, 2018). 5748 + 11. Jackson Mac Low’s papers at the University of California at San Diego 5749 + contain a collage of newspaper clippings about a protest action that Mac 5750 + Low participated in on 15 June 1955, which vividly illustrates his sense 5751 + of political individualism. The state of New York had ordered a mandatory 5752 + air-raid drill in which the public was instructed to practice what to do in 5753 + the event of a hypothetical five-megaton hydrogen bomb attack. Mac 5754 + Low was among a group of pacifist protesters who gathered outside in a 5755 + Manhattan park near New York City Hall, arguing that such preparatory 5756 + drills only served the purpose of normalizing and accepting as inevitable 5757 + the idea of thermonuclear conflict. They further argued that the drill 5758 + coerced the public into acting as though a conflict involving such 5759 + destructive weapons would be survivable and called for an end to nuclear 5760 + weapons testing and other activities intended to prepare for, rather than 5761 + prevent, war. 5762 + Approximately thirty protesters were arrested for refusing to 5763 + take shelter during the exercise, including the well-known activists 5764 + Dorothy Day, Ammon Hennacy, and Bayard Rustin. Mac Low’s 5765 + individualist anarchist politics are evident in the article by Malcolm Logan 5766 + for the New York World-Telegram and Sun: “The demonstrators were 5767 + members of The Catholic Workers, the War Resisters League, and the 5768 + Fellowship of Reconciliation, plus one man, Jackson MacLow, 32, who 5769 + said he was not a member of any of these groups.” See the collage of 5770 + newspaper clippings documenting Jackson Mac Low’s arrest—along 5771 + with Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker, Bayard Rustin of the War 5772 + Resisters League, and others—for refusing to participate in a nationwide 5773 + mandatory air-raid drill, ca. June 1955, UC San Diego Special Collections 5774 + and Archives, Jackson Mac Low Papers, MSS 180, box 32, folder 4. 5775 + 12. George Maciunas, addendum to Fluxus News—Policy Letter, no. 6 5776 + (1963), reprinted in FLUXUS etc. Addenda I, ed. Jon Hendricks (New 5777 + York: Ink &, 1983), 159. 5778 + 5779 + 5780 + 5781 + 5782 + 172 Three Social Projects 5783 + 8. Yvonne Rainer: We Shall Run 5784 + (1963) 5785 + 5786 + Julia Bryan-Wilson 5787 + 5788 + 5789 + 5790 + 5791 + Despite a wealth of critical writing about the photographic 5792 + documentation of the choreographer Yvonne Rainer’s 5793 + influential performances, surprisingly little attention has 5794 + been paid to the range and complexity of her dance scores.1 5795 + In fact, the term “score” itself has been inconsistently 5796 + applied to the diverse set of notations she employed to 5797 + transcribe sequences of bodily actions onto the page 5798 + (including typed instructions, hand-drawn directional 5799 + arrows, stick-figure drawings, penciled text on graph paper, 5800 + gridded boxes listing numbers of steps, and color-coded 5801 + lines); these have also been called, by Rainer and others, 5802 + “floorplans,” “people plans,” “sketches,” “diagrams,” 5803 + “charts,” “patterns,” and “designs.”2 5804 + Throughout the 1960s, Rainer experimented with 5805 + how best to capture gestures on the page. As the 5806 + proliferating terms for her notational practices suggest, she 5807 + never landed upon any standardized system. For Rainer, and 5808 + for others involved in dance in the United States in that 5809 + decade, the score operated as a tool or device that could 5810 + cycle between several tenses: in one sense, it was forward- 5811 + looking, functioning as a motor of composition as it 5812 + suggested, ordered, and systematized motions to be 5813 + performed. Rainer’s scores were also backward-facing, used 5814 + retrospectively to record and preserve what had already 5815 + occurred so that (reorienting once again toward the future) 5816 + her dances might be remembered and repeated. An early 5817 + mention of Rainer’s score-making dates from her formative 5818 + summer in 1960 at Anna Halprin’s Northern California 5819 + experimental dance workshop, where Rainer immersed 5820 + 5821 + ................ 5822 + getty.edu/publications/scores/08/ 173 5823 + herself in “short projects and assignments involving objects, 5824 + tasks, fragmented speech or vocal sounds,” resulting in a 5825 + score titled Sonata for Screen Door, Flashlight, and Dancer 5826 + (1960), the soundtrack of which was created using a 5827 + squeaky door hinge.3 Halprin, for her part, had a conflicted 5828 + relationship to scores, noting they could be used to 5829 + “generate creativity” but also cautioning that “translating a 5830 + movement experience into a series of words on the page is 5831 + so contrary to the kinesthetic experience.”4 5832 + In New York in the fall of 1960, as part of Robert 5833 + Dunn’s dance composition course conducted at the Merce 5834 + Cunningham Studio, Rainer pored over John Cage’s musical 5835 + scores and used them as springboards for her own chance- 5836 + based operations. Dunn’s assignments circulated around his 5837 + conviction that the score, understood capaciously as a set of 5838 + written parameters or guidelines to be interpreted, opened 5839 + up new possibilities for indeterminacy and could spark 5840 + evolving vocabularies for movement. As he told the dance 5841 + historian Sally Banes: “Graphic notation is a way of inventing 5842 + the dance. It is part of the conception of the dance.”5 Within 5843 + the context of Dunn’s workshop, Rainer tested out scores 5844 + such as Watering Place (ca. 1960), in which two concentric 5845 + circles, bisected by spoke-like radiating lines, appear to 5846 + spatialize routes traveled across the floor from an aerial 5847 + perspective. At the bottom of the page are further 5848 + instructions regarding pace and carriage, for example “taut,” 5849 + “relaxed,” and “slow” (fig. 8.1). 5850 + For her breakthrough solo Three Satie Spoons 5851 + (1961), Rainer worked off of both Cage’s Fontana Mix 5852 + (1958) and Erik Satie’s Trois Gymnopédies (1888) to 5853 + produce a multimodal script that included granular textual 5854 + descriptions of activities—beginning with “index fingers 5855 + touch cheeks, then stretch mouth, right finger releases 5856 + mouth”—together with schematic stick figures showing the 5857 + arrangement of limbs and torso and with color-coded lines 5858 + indicating movement phrases (fig. 8.2). She used a similar 5859 + scoring strategy for a solo dance, The Bells, composed the 5860 + 5861 + 174 We Shall Run 5862 + Fig. 8.1 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook page related to 5863 + Watering Place, ca. 1960. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 5864 + 2006.M.24, box 1, folder 2. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 5865 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/448/ 5866 + 5867 + 5868 + 5869 + 5870 + Bryan-Wilson 175 5871 + same year (fig. 8.3). Recruiting many representational 5872 + genres in these early notebooks that span the conceptual 5873 + and the denotative, she used text, cardinal direction initials, 5874 + numbers, drawings, and parallel lines to signal orientations, 5875 + poses, and temporal units; the drawings with abstracted 5876 + lines are arresting in their own right as visual objects. On 5877 + other pages, she cataloged body parts (arms, hands, legs, 5878 + feet) and listed accompanying action verbs—ones 5879 + recognizably drawn from the repertoire of everyday life 5880 + rather than ones that require specialized dance expertise— 5881 + such as, for hands, “rubbing/clapping/trembling/touching/ 5882 + sliding” (figs. 8.4, 8.5). 5883 + This recruitment of found motion did not mean, 5884 + however, that Rainer was not concerned with subtle details 5885 + and controlled execution; in fact, it was quite the contrary. 5886 + “Emphasis [is] on precision of movement and following of 5887 + rules rather than humor,” she wrote in her notes and draft 5888 + instructions from 1962.6 These examples demonstrate how 5889 + Rainer understood the score as a formal container that could 5890 + strip dance of its overly expressive and narrative qualities. 5891 + Indeed, dance scores in the 1960s were understood to have 5892 + both practical and political implications. As Deborah Jowitt 5893 + has commented: “Those with no access to studio space 5894 + could bring in a dance in the form of instructions to be 5895 + interpreted on the spot. But, more important, scores could 5896 + undermine habit, artifice, premeditation and present both 5897 + choreographers and performers in the role of problem- 5898 + solvers. A score could push art-by-inspiration out of the 5899 + picture and still foster an individual approach.”7 Eliminating 5900 + the demand for virtuosity was viewed as a way to allow for 5901 + different kinds of movement enacted by many types of 5902 + bodies. 5903 + This method of providing stripped-down instructions 5904 + so that others, including those not familiar with the 5905 + specialized vocabularies of dance, might follow along, has 5906 + continued within Rainer’s practice. In March 2020, she 5907 + adapted her piece Terrain, from 1963, into a dance titled 5908 + 5909 + 176 We Shall Run 5910 + Fig. 8.2 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook sketches for Three 5911 + Satie Spoons, 1961. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 5912 + 2006.M.24, box 1, folder 4. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 5913 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/470/#fig-470-d 5914 + 5915 + 5916 + 5917 + 5918 + Bryan-Wilson 177 5919 + Fig. 8.3 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook sketch for The 5920 + Bells, 1961. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 2006.M.24, 5921 + box 1, folder 4. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 5922 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/470/#fig-470-e 5923 + 5924 + 5925 + 5926 + 5927 + 178 We Shall Run 5928 + Fig. 8.4 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notes on arms, hands, legs, 5929 + and feet, from Rainer’s dance scripts notebook, ca. 1962. Getty Research 5930 + Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 2006.M.24, box 30, folder 10. Used with 5931 + Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 5932 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/466/ 5933 + 5934 + 5935 + 5936 + 5937 + Bryan-Wilson 179 5938 + Fig. 8.5 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notes on arms, hands, legs, 5939 + and feet, from Rainer’s dance scripts notebook, ca. 1962. Getty Research 5940 + Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 2006.M.24, box 30, folder 10. Used with 5941 + Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 5942 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/466/#fig-466-b 5943 + 5944 + 5945 + 5946 + 5947 + 180 We Shall Run 5948 + Passing and Jostling While Confined to a Small Apartment, 5949 + which appeared in the New York Times as a series of written 5950 + prompts and photographs for readers to enact, as a means to 5951 + enliven the claustrophobic early days of the COVID-19 5952 + lockdown.8 These “rules,” as she called them, and which 5953 + she emphasized must be “clear and strict,” included 5954 + directions with variables such as “the walker can choose to 5955 + bump, lightly, into the standing person; that’s ‘jostling,’ and 5956 + it can free the standing person to get back in motion.” 5957 + Performers were welcome to follow the rules in endless 5958 + permutations provided they adhere to the dance’s 5959 + parameters. 5960 + Rainer’s initial exploration of ordinary movements 5961 + reached a kind of apex with We Shall Run, which premiered 5962 + at the gym of New York’s Judson Memorial Church. In this 5963 + dance, twelve performers—a mix of both trained and 5964 + untrained dancers, all referred to in Rainer’s program notes 5965 + as “runners”—first stand for about five minutes, then 5966 + commence jogging with their arms at waist level in 5967 + choreographed formations that cluster, splinter off, and 5968 + regroup (fig. 8.6).9 The protracted stillness of the long 5969 + opening minutes is contrasted by the later brisk, even 5970 + cadence as the runners swarm in a mass, break apart, and 5971 + gather again within constantly rearranging energetic 5972 + patterns. In photographic documentation of a performance 5973 + from 1965, their non-dancerly, pedestrian motions are 5974 + emphasized by their sporting of bare feet and street clothes, 5975 + including Alex Hay in a suit and tie, Sally Gross in a printed 5976 + dress, and Deborah Hay in a T-shirt and sweatpants. We 5977 + Shall Run is accompanied by a recording of the “Tuba 5978 + mirum” passage of Hector Berlioz’s Requiem (1837), a 5979 + swelling bombastic chorus that was meant as an ironic 5980 + contrast to the laconic presentation of bodies. Yet, as Carrie 5981 + Lambert-Beatty has observed, “Despite the simplicity of the 5982 + jogging motion it deploys, We Shall Run is so complex as to 5983 + perversely resemble the requiem’s interwoven melodies, 5984 + repeating lines of text, and groupings of voices and 5985 + 5986 + Bryan-Wilson 181 5987 + instruments.”10 The organizational elements of We Shall 5988 + Run are, in fact, notoriously complicated; though it is 5989 + composed of only one basic step, this does not eliminate its 5990 + difficulty. Lucinda Childs recalled that it was “hard to keep it 5991 + in my head,” and Tony Holder created his own flip-card score 5992 + to help him remember the sequence.11 5993 + Rainer’s pencil-on-paper scores for We Shall Run 5994 + emphasize rather than reduce this difficulty. Using arrows, 5995 + lines, and numbers, she turns the page into an analogue of 5996 + the gym floor; she diagrams, via foot-track vectors pictured 5997 + from above, how the dance sends bodies across space (figs. 5998 + 8.7, 8.8, and 8.9). Such a movement map does not, 5999 + however, convey other specific instructions: timing, how 6000 + arms and hands should be positioned, or where the gaze 6001 + should be directed. We Shall Run is an example of Rainer’s 6002 + scores at their most graphically dynamic, with its assured 6003 + draftsmanship of looping curlicues set against more 6004 + geometric angles and neatly parallel channels fanning out 6005 + like fingers on a splayed hand. A scrawled tangle of lines—a 6006 + mistake seemingly crossed out in haste—is redrawn just 6007 + below as a careful spiral (see fig. 8.8). Certain clear 6008 + shorthands that appear here recur across other scores, such 6009 + as the small letters DS, indicating downstage. 6010 + It is worth stressing that Rainer’s scores are by and 6011 + large not autonomous or transparent; most cannot be picked 6012 + up and performed correctly on the basis of what is on the 6013 + page alone. While her written instructions or rules for game- 6014 + like pieces such as Passing and Jostling can effectively 6015 + convey her dances, the sketches, charts, and maps are 6016 + usually not technical drawings that can be used as faithful 6017 + guides by themselves. For Rainer, such barely denotative 6018 + jottings indicate that the score functioned conceptually as a 6019 + broad methodology rather than as a narrowly pedagogical or 6020 + utilitarian aid. The floorplans for We Shall Run and a later, 6021 + related dance—the “running” section of Rainer’s Trio B 6022 + (1968), which uses similar arrows and numbers to indicate 6023 + how many steps to take in any one direction—retain a large 6024 + 6025 + 182 We Shall Run 6026 + Fig. 8.6 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). We Shall Run (1963), 6027 + performed at the Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, CT, 7 March 1965. From 6028 + left: Rainer, Deborah Hay, Robert Rauschenberg, Robert Morris, Sally 6029 + Gross, Joseph Schlichter, Tony Holder, and Alex Hay. Getty Research 6030 + Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 2006.M.24, box 69. Used with 6031 + Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 6032 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/446/ 6033 + 6034 + 6035 + 6036 + 6037 + Bryan-Wilson 183 6038 + Fig. 8.7 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook sketch related to 6039 + We Shall Run, ca. 1963. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 6040 + 2006.M.24, box 1, folder 5. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 6041 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/436/ 6042 + 6043 + 6044 + 6045 + 6046 + 184 We Shall Run 6047 + Fig. 8.8 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook sketch related to 6048 + We Shall Run, ca. 1963. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 6049 + 2006.M.24, box 1, folder 5. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 6050 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/436/#fig-436-b 6051 + 6052 + 6053 + 6054 + 6055 + Bryan-Wilson 185 6056 + Fig. 8.9 Yvonne Rainer (American, b. 1934). Notebook sketch related to 6057 + We Shall Run, ca. 1963. Getty Research Institute, Yvonne Rainer Papers, 6058 + 2006.M.24, box 1, folder 5. Used with Permission. © Yvonne Rainer. 6059 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/436/#fig-436-c 6060 + 6061 + 6062 + 6063 + 6064 + 186 We Shall Run 6065 + measure of ambiguity and uncertainty, if not actual 6066 + illegibility with regard to how their procedures or directives 6067 + might be adequately followed. How can the four elements of 6068 + durational dance (space, time, force, and shape) be 6069 + comprehensively translated onto a two-dimensional 6070 + surface? These notations must be supplemented by moving- 6071 + image documentation, oral instruction, or other bodily 6072 + modes of transmission, as well as refined in rehearsals. 6073 + Because of this they do not as readily circulate to be 6074 + performed by others as do those scores that can be 6075 + replicated and distributed with relative ease (such as musical 6076 + notes on paper). Though Rainer has stated that “in some 6077 + cases, the scores are indecipherable; in other cases, they 6078 + will produce the dance accurately,” far fewer of her scores 6079 + belong in the latter category, in part because she never 6080 + adheres to any consistent scoring structure.12 6081 + In this, Rainer is hardly unique. As the dance 6082 + historian Mark Franko states, there is no single, widely 6083 + embraced notational system for contemporary dance.13 6084 + Even the Laban system (a standardized vocabulary for 6085 + notating human movement that has been used to document 6086 + dance since 1940 by the Dance Notation Bureau) has been 6087 + viewed as insufficient; Merce Cunningham called it “out of 6088 + whack,” dismissing it as “symbol syndrome.”14 Rainer, like 6089 + Halprin and Cunningham before her, has expressed 6090 + skepticism regarding notation for reconstructing her dances, 6091 + not least because of the deficits of Labanotation for her 6092 + iconic dance Trio A (1966).15 In part because the 6093 + contemporary dance sphere has not regularized its scoring 6094 + practices, it has infrequently interfaced with the legal 6095 + apparatus of copyright or with the publication networks that 6096 + distribute musical scores. “Dance notations have no precise 6097 + cultural status,” remarks Laurence Louppe, having “never 6098 + been the object of official interest, and even less of 6099 + institutional interest.”16 Yet, when assessing the many 6100 + forms that Rainer’s notations take, their improvised and 6101 + makeshift quality stands out as a strength rather than a 6102 + 6103 + Bryan-Wilson 187 6104 + weakness. She was experimenting not only with moving 6105 + bodies but also with nimbly creating new methods of 6106 + transmission as she turned to the page for choreographing, 6107 + communicating, and archiving gestures. The flexibility of her 6108 + scoring practices meant that Rainer was able to test out the 6109 + limits of indeterminacy in her compositions, since certain 6110 + freedoms might be permitted within set parameters while 6111 + others might be disallowed. 6112 + Rainer’s scores—be they patterns, lists, drawings, or 6113 + maps—make apparent the fundamental frictions involved in 6114 + charting motion onto the page. As she played with different 6115 + methods for chronicling action, she underlined how variable 6116 + the use of the score could be in post-Cagean dance. In doing 6117 + so, she revealed that the model of the textual score might 6118 + have been fruitful for 1960s choreographers not despite but 6119 + because of the fact that it was in some ways a bad fit for 6120 + dance. Its inadequacies fueled more innovation. 6121 + 6122 + Notes 6123 + 6124 + 1. See Carrie Lambert-Beatty’s writings about the challenges of 6125 + representing Rainer’s dances, especially in her seminal monographic 6126 + study, Being Watched: Yvonne Rainer and the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: 6127 + MIT Press, 2008). 6128 + 2. For instance, “pattern” is used to describe the pencil-and-paper version 6129 + of We Shall Run in Elise Archias, The Concrete Body: Yvonne Rainer, 6130 + Carolee Schneemann, Vito Acconci (New Haven, CT: Yale University 6131 + Press, 2016), 54. Peter Eleey calls a very similar plan (for the first part of 6132 + Trio B, ca. 1968) a “sketch” in “If You Couldn’t See Me,” in Philip Bither, 6133 + Trisha Brown: So That the Audience Does Not Know Whether I Have 6134 + Stopped Dancing (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center, 2008), caption for fig. 6135 + 7. Lambert-Beatty refers to the graph-paper intervals of Parts of Some 6136 + Sextets (1965) as both a “chart” and a “score” in Being Watched, 87–88. 6137 + In her compendium Yvonne Rainer: Work 1961–73 (Halifax: Press of the 6138 + Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1974), the artist interchangeably 6139 + deploys many of these terms. 6140 + 3. Yvonne Rainer, Feelings Are Facts: A Life (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 6141 + 2006), 193. 6142 + 6143 + 6144 + 6145 + 6146 + 188 We Shall Run 6147 + 4. Anna Halprin, “Scores” (1969), in Moving toward Life: Five Decades of 6148 + Transformational Dance, ed. Rachel Kaplan (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan 6149 + University Press, 1995), 49–50. 6150 + 5. Robert Dunn, quoted in Sally Banes, Democracy’s Body: Judson Dance 6151 + Theater, 1962–1964 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993), 7. 6152 + 6. Yvonne Rainer Papers, 1871–2013, bulk 1959–2013, 2006.M.24, box 6153 + 30, folder 11, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 6154 + 7. Deborah Jowitt, Time and the Dancing Image (Berkeley: University of 6155 + California Press, 1988), 317. 6156 + 8. Brian Seibert, “A D.I.Y. Dance for Your Home, from Yvonne Rainer,” New 6157 + York Times, 24 March 2020. 6158 + 9. Published accounts differ as to the exact cast of dancers who 6159 + participated in the premiere of We Shall Run. Banes’s Democracy’s Body, 6160 + Rainer’s Work 1961–73, and the published program (reproduced on page 6161 + 1 of Ana Janevski and Thomas J. Lax, Judson Dance Theater: The Work 6162 + Is Never Done [New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2018]) offer slightly 6163 + varying lists. A set of costume descriptions, held in Rainer’s papers at the 6164 + Getty Research Institute and reproduced in the Archive section of this 6165 + chapter, suggests this set of runners: Trisha Brown, Lucinda Childs, 6166 + Philip Corner, June Ekman, Malcolm Goldstein, Sally Gross, Ruth 6167 + Emerson, Alex Hay, Deborah Hay, Tony Holder, John Worden, and Arlene 6168 + Rothlein. Later iterations, such as the version performed at the 6169 + Wadsworth Atheneum in 1965 (see fig. 8.6), had different casts that 6170 + included Rainer, Robert Rauschenberg, and Robert Morris. 6171 + 10. Carrie Lambert-Beatty, “More or Less Minimalism: Six Notes on 6172 + Performance and Visual Art in the 1960s,” in A Minimal Future? Art as 6173 + Object 1958–1968, ed. Ann Goldstein (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press / LA 6174 + MOCA, 2004), 109. 6175 + 11. Banes, Democracy’s Body, 87. 6176 + 12. Interview with Yvonne Rainer in In Terms of Performance, ed. Shannon 6177 + Jackson and Paula Marincola (Philadelphia: Pew Center for Arts & 6178 + Heritage, 2016), http://intermsofperformance.site/interviews/yvonne 6179 + -rainer. 6180 + 13. Mark Franko, “Writing for the Body: Notation, Reconstruction, and 6181 + Reinvention in Dance,” Common Knowledge 17, no. 2 (2011): 321–34. 6182 + 14. Ann Hutchinson Guest, Labanotation: The System of Analyzing and 6183 + Recording Movement (New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1954); and Merce 6184 + Cunningham, Changes (New York: Something Else Press, 1968), n.p. 6185 + 15. Yvonne Rainer, “Trio A: Genealogy, Documentation, Notation,” Dance 6186 + Research Journal 41, no. 2 (2009): 12–18. In 2008, I learned Trio A from 6187 + Rainer in lessons that focused on oral directions, hands-on 6188 + demonstrations, and the building of muscle memory through practice. 6189 + Though I did watch moving-image recordings of her performing the dance 6190 + 6191 + 6192 + Bryan-Wilson 189 6193 + for reference, at no point did she consult written documents or scores. 6194 + See Julia Bryan-Wilson, “Practicing Trio A,” October 140 (Spring 2012): 6195 + 54–74. 6196 + 16. Laurence Louppe, ed., Traces of Dance: Drawings and Notations of 6197 + Choreographers, trans. Brian Holmes (Paris: Editions Dis Voir, 1994), 5. 6198 + 6199 + 6200 + 6201 + 6202 + 190 We Shall Run 6203 + 9. Alison Knowles: The Identical 6204 + Lunch (late 1960s–early ’70s) 6205 + 6206 + Emily Ruth Capper 6207 + 6208 + 6209 + 6210 + 6211 + Alison Knowles is the only woman among the founding 6212 + members of Fluxus. With a background in painting and 6213 + printmaking, Knowles graduated from Pratt Institute in 6214 + Brooklyn in 1956, where she studied with the abstract 6215 + expressionist painter Adolph Gottlieb and the German 6216 + émigré illustrator and painter Richard Lindner.1 Her study of 6217 + the visual arts left an imprint on her later work. Lindner, for 6218 + example, directed his students to draw urban street scenes 6219 + from life, an assignment that might be seen to reverberate in 6220 + Knowles’s sustained interest in social observation.2 After 6221 + graduation, Knowles studied briefly at Syracuse University 6222 + with the famed Black Mountain College instructor Josef 6223 + Albers.3 Although she was an uneasy fit for Albers’s 6224 + occasionally strict approach to pedagogy, Knowles’s mature 6225 + work builds upon the pragmatic aspect of his 6226 + experimentalism. In an echo of Albers’s material studies, 6227 + many of her works explore the manifold possibilities of 6228 + ordinary and accessible materials, and Knowles’s goal of 6229 + overcoming habitual perception through rigorous acts of 6230 + attention is broadly consistent with Albers’s philosophy of 6231 + visual education.4 6232 + Though Knowles started out as a painter, she pushed 6233 + the medium beyond its customary bounds by exploring the 6234 + practice of silkscreen printing on canvas.5 In 1960, she met 6235 + Dick Higgins, who would become her lifelong partner.6 6236 + Trained in literature and music, Higgins had taken John 6237 + Cage’s influential experimental composition course at the 6238 + New School for Social Research in the summer of 1958, 6239 + alongside George Brecht and Allan Kaprow (fig. 9.1). 6240 + 6241 + ................ 6242 + getty.edu/publications/scores/09/ 191 6243 + Knowles came to know Cage’s work through Higgins and, in 6244 + turn, became interested in chance procedures, which she 6245 + adapted for use in her paintings, for instance by tossing 6246 + coins and consulting the I Ching, the ancient Chinese book of 6247 + divination, when deciding where to place colors.7 6248 + The inaugural Fluxus concert tour to Europe in 1962 6249 + marked a key turning point in her career. She had joined the 6250 + tour as a committed performer of her friends’ event scores, 6251 + but the pressure cooker of the nightly concerts inspired her 6252 + to become a composer in her own right. As she recalled in 6253 + 1985: “We knew there were a few hundred people showing 6254 + up each night, so we got it together, often just before the 6255 + performance. It was under this duress and excitement that I 6256 + started to write my own. I started with ‘Make a Salad.’”8 6257 + First published under the title #2—Proposition (October, 6258 + 1962), the score for Make a Salad led to a premiere 6259 + performance in which she did exactly that, chopping lettuce, 6260 + cucumbers, and carrots and mixing these ingredients with 6261 + blue cheese in a large pickle barrel (figs. 9.2, 9.3).9 In 6262 + subsequent decades, experimental scores became a 6263 + fundamental component of her practice: Knowles wrote new 6264 + scores while repeatedly reworking and reinterpreting a few 6265 + of her iconic early scores (principally Make a Salad and The 6266 + Identical Lunch). 6267 + One novel axis of Knowles’s work can be found in her 6268 + distinctive use of materials and social rituals. While other 6269 + Fluxus artists incorporated food into their event scores, 6270 + Knowles explored particular foods at length while 6271 + foregrounding the attendant rituals of preparing and serving 6272 + them. For example, in an echo of the midcentury fashion for 6273 + anthropological universals, she produced a series of works 6274 + that playfully cataloged the many uses and meanings of a 6275 + single ingredient: the bean. Her celebrated Fluxus multiple 6276 + The Bean Rolls (1963) featured dried beans rattling around in 6277 + a repurposed tea tin alongside more than a dozen rolls of 6278 + paper, with quotes taken from her library research on the 6279 + significance of beans across a number of world cultures (fig. 6280 + 6281 + 192 The Identical Lunch 6282 + Fig. 9.1 Dick Higgins and Jackson Mac Low participating in John Cage’s 6283 + experimental composition class, New School for Social Research, New 6284 + York, NY, summer 1958. Photo: Harvey Y. Gross. Harvey Y. Gross/John 6285 + Cage Trust. 6286 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/558/ 6287 + 6288 + 6289 + 6290 + 6291 + Capper 193 6292 + Fig. 9.2 Alison Knowles (American, b. 1933). Score for #2—Proposition 6293 + (October, 1962) (Make a Salad). From Alison Knowles, By Alison Knowles, 6294 + A Great Bear Pamphlet (New York: Something Else Press, 1965), 2. Getty 6295 + Research Institute, item 94-B22032. © Alison Knowles. 6296 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/475/ 6297 + 6298 + 6299 + 6300 + 6301 + 194 The Identical Lunch 6302 + Fig. 9.3 Alison Knowles performing #2—Proposition (October, 1962) 6303 + (Make a Salad), at Festival of Misfits, Institute of Contemporary Arts, 6304 + London, 24 October 1962, gelatin silver print. The Gilbert and Lila 6305 + Silverman Fluxus Collection Gift. Digital Image © The Museum of Modern 6306 + Art/Licensed by SCALA / Art Resource, NY; © Alison Knowles. 6307 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/476/ 6308 + 6309 + 6310 + 6311 + 6312 + Capper 195 6313 + 9.4).10 The focus on beans grew out of her experience 6314 + cooking inexpensive and nutritious meals, often for large 6315 + groups of people, but she also took inspiration from Cage’s 6316 + encyclopedic knowledge of mushrooms.11 6317 + In Make a Salad (1962) and subsequent event 6318 + scores, Knowles focused on cooking and eating as social 6319 + processes. Others in her milieu, namely Cage and David 6320 + Tudor, were similarly interested in cooking, particularly with 6321 + Asian recipes and ingredients, but never considered this 6322 + activity part of their formal creative practices.12 In crafting 6323 + her scores, Knowles tinkered with the form of the recipe— 6324 + with its list of accessible tools and ingredients and its direct 6325 + and instrumental use of language—and explored the 6326 + possibility that the event score and the recipe might be 6327 + virtually coextensive forms.13 In Make a Salad and its 6328 + companion piece, Make a Soup (1964), however, the recipe 6329 + is reduced to an indeterminate skeleton, because Knowles 6330 + does not list any particular ingredients or actions. Whereas 6331 + the typical recipe takes for granted a definite outcome and 6332 + assumed criteria for good and bad results, Knowles’s scores 6333 + intentionally generate variation and even perplexity. She 6334 + included the score for The Identical Lunch (late 1960s–early 6335 + 70s) in her Journal of the Identical Lunch (1971), a 6336 + compendium of materials related to varied dimensions of the 6337 + work as it was performed and realized. As with other books 6338 + she produced, Knowles regarded it not as mere 6339 + documentation but as an independent work.14 6340 + Knowles’s Identical Lunch is one of the more difficult 6341 + artworks in The Scores Project to describe, since it reorders 6342 + the elements of score, realization, and documentation in 6343 + novel ways. The nearly mythic story of its genesis is an 6344 + important part of the work, so I will recount its broad 6345 + outlines here. In 1965, Knowles and Higgins moved from 6346 + their industrial SoHo loft to a large brownstone in Chelsea at 6347 + 238 West 22nd Street.15 They lived on the first floor with 6348 + their twin daughters while Higgins operated Something Else 6349 + Press on the second floor and Knowles shared a studio with 6350 + 6351 + 196 The Identical Lunch 6352 + Fig. 9.4 Alison Knowles (American, b. 1933). Bean Rolls from Fluxkit, 6353 + 1965, metal tin with offset label, containing nine beans and fourteen offset 6354 + scrolls. Museum of Modern Art, item 2182.2008.10. The Gilbert and Lila 6355 + Silverman Fluxus Collection Gift. Digital Image © The Museum of Modern 6356 + Art / Licensed by SCALA / Art Resource, NY; © Alison Knowles. 6357 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/477/ 6358 + 6359 + 6360 + 6361 + 6362 + Capper 197 6363 + the Fluxus composer Philip Corner on the top floor.16 6364 + Sometime in 1967, when her daughters were toddlers, 6365 + Knowles developed the habit of getting out of the house for 6366 + lunch. She would walk a few blocks to a bustling 6367 + neighborhood diner called Riss Restaurant and repeatedly 6368 + order the same meal: “a tunafish sandwich on wheat toast 6369 + with lettuce and butter, no mayo and a large glass of 6370 + buttermilk.”17 Knowles notes that this lunch, while ordinary, 6371 + was the diner’s best offering. Ordering the same thing as a 6372 + matter of routine also saved her time and energy, freeing her 6373 + mind to think of other things. Knowles herself called it “a 6374 + convenience and time-saver.”18 6375 + Corner, who was her frequent lunch companion in 6376 + those days, prompted a transformation of the ontology of 6377 + the lunch from an unconscious habit to a highly self- 6378 + conscious performance. One day in 1968, he pointed out 6379 + that her order resembled an event score. In a test of Corner’s 6380 + thesis, Knowles began to document her daily lunch 6381 + performances in what she called her “Journal of the Identical 6382 + Lunch.” She subsequently published excerpts from this 6383 + journal in an experimental literary magazine, The Outsider, in 6384 + which she also set down the first formal version of the score, 6385 + which reads: “a tunafish sandwich on wheat toast with 6386 + lettuce and butter, no mayo and a large glass of buttermilk 6387 + was and is eaten many days of each week at the same place 6388 + at about the same time.”19 Over the next few years, Knowles 6389 + disseminated the score among a network of friends. In turn, 6390 + she asked them to realize The Identical Lunch and share 6391 + documentation of these realizations, which she compiled in 6392 + 1971 as Journal of the Identical Lunch. This publication, 6393 + which was in a sense collaborative, inspired further 6394 + realizations, such as Philip Corner’s 1973 book, George 6395 + Maciunas’s symphony version, and other versions by 6396 + Knowles herself. 6397 + The complex ontology of Knowles’s score for The 6398 + Identical Lunch is crystallized in the form of its single 6399 + sentence, particularly in its use of multiple tenses and 6400 + 6401 + 198 The Identical Lunch 6402 + temporalities. She employs both the past and present tense 6403 + when she writes that “a tunafish sandwich . . . was and is 6404 + eaten.” In her Journal of the Identical Lunch, Knowles adds 6405 + the future tense, asserting that, “New Lunches will include 6406 + many other people and their own performances.”20 Knowles 6407 + thereby makes explicit the often implicit temporality of the 6408 + score, which exists in the present and intends future action 6409 + but also conjures a speculative history of past performance. 6410 + As discussed in chapter 11, Allan Kaprow’s “activity 6411 + booklets” similarly condense multiple temporalities of the 6412 + score through his use of documentary photographs that are 6413 + posed and framed to be prescriptive and future-oriented. 6414 + Consonant with Knowles’s use of the past tense in 6415 + the score, she devotes most of her Journal to a rich variety of 6416 + documentation of various performances: We flip through 6417 + Riss receipts, hand-drawn diagrams, documentary 6418 + photographs, and correspondence on index cards. Emerging 6419 + from this material diversity is a polyphony of individual 6420 + voices, with each performer-documentarian describing a 6421 + unique scene or experience of the lunch. Such variation 6422 + underscores a fundamental Cagean conceit of the work: that 6423 + the identical in name is hardly identical in reality, and even 6424 + less so when taking account of an individual’s experience of 6425 + it. 6426 + Several performer-documentarians in Knowles’s 6427 + Journal exhibit an unsettlingly detailed mode of attention, 6428 + applying the technique of formalist close looking to the point 6429 + of absurdity and even grotesquery. Knowles herself charts 6430 + minute changes in the water content of the tuna she is 6431 + served, detecting a consistent weekly cycle, though 6432 + refraining from drawing any conclusions (such as those one 6433 + might expect from, say, a Department of Health inspector). 6434 + The precise meaning of the cycle, hence the purpose of her 6435 + diligent effort, remains suspended and open to further 6436 + interpretation. 6437 + In the artist Tom Wasmuth’s documentation, a 6438 + formalist exercise in close looking veers beyond the lunch 6439 + 6440 + Capper 199 6441 + itself to the diner’s custodian, whom he marks with an ethnic 6442 + stereotype, and then to the diner’s floor. Wasmuth’s hand- 6443 + drawn diagram of a tiled floor at another establishment (the 6444 + “White Diamond”) almost resembles an art historian’s 6445 + sketch of an ancient Roman marble floor in its precision and 6446 + apparent seriousness of purpose (fig. 9.5). Meanwhile, the 6447 + writer and musician Lynn Lonidier experiments with a 6448 + perversely close analysis of an employee’s appearance, 6449 + noting “the wrinkled flesh puckering from the waitress’s 6450 + arms.”21 Knowles herself records precise dates and uses 6451 + somewhat obscure code names for regular customers and 6452 + workers, for example “N” for herself, “F” for someone she 6453 + calls “The Dog-woman,” and “E” for “Flo, afternoon 6454 + waitress.”22 And Higgins, with a touch of noir, refers to 6455 + himself the consumer as a “suspect” observed in the third 6456 + person: “at 12:52½ suspect completed the consumption of 6457 + the sandwich.”23 6458 + The Journal’s sometimes humorously detailed 6459 + observations can convey a feeling of ambivalence about the 6460 + ritual itself. Lonidier describes her aversion to eating the 6461 + lunch by using the term “nausea,” and she is not the only 6462 + performer-documentarian in Knowles’s Journal to do so. In 6463 + the postwar period, a can of tuna was an ambivalent object 6464 + for economic and political reasons: It was a paradigmatic 6465 + product of consumer society, and as such a totem of 6466 + industrial capitalism’s fundamental contradictions. It was 6467 + affordable, relatively nutritious, and easy to prepare, thus 6468 + capable of liberating working mothers—a demographic that 6469 + included Knowles herself—from some degree of household 6470 + drudgery. On the other hand, the mass-produced cans of 6471 + processed meat could seem unnatural, formless, smelly, 6472 + unappetizing, and more fit for cats than people. The glass of 6473 + buttermilk Knowles orders is a similarly ambivalent object 6474 + when viewed in its historical context. In their Journal, 6475 + Knowles records having increasing difficulty obtaining it at 6476 + Riss, presumably due to low demand. The obsolescence of 6477 + buttermilk as a popular beverage at the time may explain 6478 + 6479 + 200 The Identical Lunch 6480 + Fig. 9.5 Tom Wasmuth (American, b. 1941). Diagram, 24 June 1969. 6481 + From Alison Knowles’s Journal of the Identical Lunch (San Francisco: Nova 6482 + Broadcast Press, 1971), 35. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown 6483 + Collection, item 91-B35085. Courtesy of Nova Broadcast Press. © Alison 6484 + Knowles. 6485 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/478/ 6486 + 6487 + 6488 + 6489 + 6490 + Capper 201 6491 + Knowles’s decision to add “or a cup of soup” as a possible 6492 + alternative in all but the first iteration of the score. 6493 + With this sociohistorical context in mind, Knowles’s 6494 + transformation of the habitual lunch through conscious 6495 + attention and reflection takes on added complexity. In the 6496 + many interviews Knowles has given since the 1970s, she 6497 + has sometimes described The Identical Lunch as a call to find 6498 + meaning in the most ordinary things through a meditative 6499 + practice of what we might now call mindfulness.24 In these 6500 + instances, she suggests that any favorite lunch will do, 6501 + because it is the quality of disciplined attention that matters 6502 + most. She has also occasionally allowed that there may be a 6503 + politically progressive dimension to her use of food, since 6504 + preparing and serving staples like salads, beans, and tuna 6505 + has been the province of women and low-paid workers and 6506 + thus systemically undervalued if not simply ignored. One 6507 + could argue that framing such labor as art can help to make it 6508 + visible. Alongside these committed gestures in The Identical 6509 + Lunch, we can still detect an ambivalent energy in Knowles’s 6510 + 1970s-era realizations. In this way, the ordinariness of the 6511 + lunch maintains at least a measure of negativity and thus 6512 + preserves, in a playful manner, a reflection on alienation 6513 + under modern capitalism. 6514 + Teasing out one feminist dimension of The Identical 6515 + Lunch, the art historian Nicole L. Woods sees Knowles’s 6516 + work in the diner as a means of negotiating “her labour as an 6517 + artist and her labour as a mother.”25 Indeed, as a mother of 6518 + toddlers in the 1960s, Knowles took her place as a domestic 6519 + worker alongside other workers on their lunch breaks. In 6520 + 2000, Knowles herself noted, with regard to Make a Salad, 6521 + that she “was the only woman in the original Fluxus group, 6522 + so the piece had a dynamic feminist twist as well.”26 In a 6523 + foregrounding of care work, Knowles developed a distinct 6524 + strain of realizations of The Identical Lunch in which she 6525 + began to prepare and serve the meal herself, such that the 6526 + original setting of the Riss diner recedes into the 6527 + background. For the 1969 New Year’s Eve Flux-Feast at the 6528 + 6529 + 202 The Identical Lunch 6530 + Fluxhouse Cooperative in SoHo, Knowles created a 6531 + makeshift diner of her own in the manner of a 6532 + “happening.”27 Inside a translucent enclosure made of 6533 + shower curtains, Knowles prepared and served the identical 6534 + lunch to individual participants.28 Here, the quasi- 6535 + ethnographic dimension of The Identical Lunch persisted: 6536 + Knowles took Polaroids of the participants eating lunch, 6537 + some of which she transferred to silkscreen and printed on 6538 + canvas. 6539 + In tandem with Knowles’s rising status in the history 6540 + of art, The Identical Lunch has achieved iconic status, not 6541 + unlike Cage’s 4′33″ (1952). In part, this is because 6542 + universities and art museums have leveraged the work’s 6543 + participatory and functional dimensions to engage with 6544 + students and patrons. In 2011, participants could sign up to 6545 + eat an Identical Lunch in the Museum of Modern Art’s café, 6546 + with the artist herself in attendance.29 Later, in 2013, at the 6547 + Smart Museum at the University of Chicago, a version of the 6548 + original Identical Lunch (buttermilk included) was added to 6549 + the museum café’s menu. Regarding visits to colleges and 6550 + universities, Knowles noted: “I would definitely propose that 6551 + my audience have The Identical Lunch with me when I was 6552 + through with my talk. And sometimes they could do that— 6553 + they’d make us 50 identical lunches. Of course I couldn’t 6554 + always get a kitchen to make it, and I didn’t enjoy eating it in 6555 + front of my audience and not having them have any.”30 In the 6556 + gig economy of contemporary art, the meanings of The 6557 + Identical Lunch have shifted from an observation-based 6558 + working-class lunch to an iconic, highly recognizable 6559 + performance. These newer meanings multiply and ramify 6560 + further in the ongoing reception and interpretation of 6561 + Knowles’s Identical Lunch, which range from new modes of 6562 + cooking-as-world-making, to reflections on the twenty-first- 6563 + century equivalent of tuna and the commodity character of 6564 + food. 6565 + 6566 + 6567 + 6568 + 6569 + Capper 203 6570 + Notes 6571 + 6572 + 1. Alison Knowles, “Curriculum Vitae,” in Indigo Island: Art Works by Alison 6573 + Knowles (Saarbrücken, Germany: Stadtgalerie Saarbrücken, 1994), 117. 6574 + 2. Hannah B. Higgins, “Love’s Labor’s Lost and Found: A Meditation on 6575 + Fluxus, Family, and Something Else,” Art Journal 69, nos. 1–2 (May 6576 + 2010): 13. Knowles herself said, “For me the real world is the right place 6577 + to start from, whether you are making art, a performance, music, or 6578 + dinner.” Alison Knowles, interview by Linda M. Montano, in Linda M. 6579 + Montano, Performance Artists Talking in the Eighties: Sex, Food, Money/ 6580 + Fame, Ritual/Death (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 173. 6581 + 3. Higgins, “Love’s Labor’s Lost and Found,” 12. Higgins does not say when 6582 + Knowles studied with Albers, but it was likely during the summer of 1957, 6583 + when Albers served as Visiting Instructor in Pictorial Design at Syracuse 6584 + University’s School of Art. See the Josef and Anni Albers Foundation 6585 + Chronology, https://www.albersfoundation.org/alberses/chronology/. 6586 + 4. Eva Díaz, The Experimenters: Chance and Design at Black Mountain 6587 + College (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015); and Jeffrey 6588 + Saletnik, Josef Albers, Late Modernism, and Pedagogic Form (Chicago: 6589 + University of Chicago Press, 2022). 6590 + 5. Díaz, Experimenters, 13. Dick Higgins identifies Knowles as “a silk- 6591 + screen cameraman by trade” in his “Publisher’s Foreword” to The Four 6592 + Suits: Benjamin Patterson, Philip Corner, Alison Knowles, and Tomas 6593 + Schmit (New York: Something Else Press, 1965), xii. He continues, “and 6594 + so it was natural that she should be about the first to do the kind of 6595 + multiple overlay silk screen printing that was later associated with 6596 + Rauschenberg, Warhol, etc” (xii). 6597 + 6. Knowles and Higgins’s daughter Hannah B. Higgins establishes that her 6598 + parents met in 1960 in “Eleven Snapshots of Dick Higgins,” in 6599 + Intermedia, Fluxus and the Something Else Press: Selected Writings by 6600 + Dick Higgins, ed. Steve Clay and Ken Friedman (Catskill, NY: Siglio, 6601 + 2018), 335. She also writes, “They married (1960), divorced (1970), 6602 + became neighbors (1975), and remarried (1985) in an open manner, and 6603 + lived a complex life ever after.” Higgins, “Love’s Labor’s Lost and Found,” 6604 + 14. 6605 + 7. Nicole L. Woods writes that “Knowles’s paintings in the late 1950s . . . 6606 + used the I-Ching for color placement,” although she does not specify 6607 + exactly how. Nicole L. Woods, “Object/Poems: Alison Knowles’s 6608 + Feminist Archite(x)ture,” XTRA 15, no. 1 (2012): 16. Little is known 6609 + about Knowles’s early paintings, probably because the artist burned 6610 + most of them once she became involved with Fluxus, according to 6611 + Higgins, “Love’s Labor’s Lost and Found,” 13. 6612 + 6613 + 6614 + 6615 + 6616 + 204 The Identical Lunch 6617 + 8. Alison Knowles, quoted in Estera Milman, “Road Shows, Street Events, 6618 + and Fluxus People: A Conversation with Alison Knowles” (1985), Visible 6619 + Language 26, nos. 1–2 (1992): 98. 6620 + 9. Nicole L. Woods notes that, while Make a Salad was first published and 6621 + listed as #2 in Knowles’s first book of scores, the ordering was Dick 6622 + Higgins’s mistake. Nicole L. Woods, “Taste Economies: Alison Knowles, 6623 + Gordon Matta-Clark and the Intersection of Food, Time and 6624 + Performance,” Performance Research: A Journal of the Performing Arts 6625 + 19, no. 3 (2014): 157. On the ingredients, see Mari Dumett, “Alison 6626 + Knowles: Ritual and Routine,” in Corporate Imaginations: Fluxus 6627 + Strategies for Living (Berkeley: University of California Press), 282. 6628 + 10. Knowles, in Montano, Performance Artists Talking in the Eighties, 174. 6629 + 11. Knowles cited the New York Mycological Society, cofounded by Cage in 6630 + 1962, as an important influence. Knowles, “Curriculum Vitae,” 117. 6631 + 12. See David Tudor, Recipes for Rum Coconut, Milk au Diable, Lime Pickle, 6632 + and Buttermilk, ca. 1960s, David Tudor Papers, 980039, box 39, folders 6633 + 1–2, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 6634 + 13. On cooking as meditation, see Montano, Performance Artists Talking in 6635 + the Eighties, 175. On the score as recipe, see Milman, “Road Shows,” 6636 + 104; and Dumett, “Alison Knowles: Ritual and Routine,” 281. Knowles 6637 + makes explicit the latent connection we might observe in the Getty 6638 + Research Institute’s David Tudor archive between his secondary 6639 + realizations and his hand-copied recipes (see chapter 2). 6640 + 14. On Knowles’s creative approach to the form of the book, see Julia 6641 + Robinson, “The Sculpture of Indeterminacy: Alison Knowles’s Beans and 6642 + Variations,” Art Journal 63, no. 4 (2004): 96–115. 6643 + 15. Knowles publishes her exact address in Alison Knowles, By Alison 6644 + Knowles, A Great Bear Pamphlet (New York: Something Else Press, 6645 + 1965), 15. 6646 + 16. Alison Knowles and Hannah B. Higgins, “Notes toward Indigo Island: A 6647 + Conversation between Alison Knowles and Hannah Higgins,” in 6648 + Knowles, 100; and Dumett, “Alison Knowles: Ritual and Routine,” 279. 6649 + 17. Alison Knowles, “The Identical Lunch,” The Outsider 2, nos. 4–5 (1968/ 6650 + 69): 182. 6651 + 18. Knowles, “Identical Lunch,” 182. 6652 + 19. Knowles, “Identical Lunch,” 182. 6653 + 20. Alison Knowles, Journal of the Identical Lunch (San Francisco: Nova 6654 + Broadcast Press, 1971), inside front cover. 6655 + 21. Knowles, Journal of the Identical Lunch (1971), 2. 6656 + 22. Knowles, Journal of the Identical Lunch (1971), 10. 6657 + 23. Higgins, quoted in Knowles, Journal of the Identical Lunch (1971), 5. 6658 + 24. See, for example, Allie Wist, “When a Tuna Fish Sandwich Becomes a 6659 + Work of Art: An Interview with ‘The Identical Lunch’ artist Alison 6660 + 6661 + 6662 + Capper 205 6663 + Knowles about Tuna Sandwiches, Performance Art, and How Our Daily 6664 + Rituals Can Be Vehicles for Inspiration,” Saveur, 14 March 2018, https:// 6665 + www.saveur.com/interview-identical-lunch-alison-knowles. 6666 + 25. Woods, “Taste Economies,” 159. 6667 + 26. Knowles, quoted in Montano, Performance Artists Talking in the Eighties, 6668 + 173. 6669 + 27. George Maciunas, “Invitation to Participate in New Years Eve’s Flux- 6670 + Feast” (1969), reprinted in Emmett Williams and Ann Noel, Mr. Fluxus: A 6671 + Collective Portrait of George Maciunas (New York: Random House, 6672 + 1998), 163; and Dumett, “Alison Knowles: Ritual and Routine,” 302. 6673 + 28. Knowles recalled in 2008: “I got a shower curtain and I isolated a little 6674 + space in the corner of the room and then I invited particular people to 6675 + come and I served them a lunch. I had a toaster in there, and I’d mixed up 6676 + the tuna fish and I had the lettuce. They’d sit down and eat the lunch there 6677 + and I’d take a Polaroid of them eating and then they could talk to me about 6678 + whatever.” Alison Knowles, in discussion with Jessica Lynne Santone, 6679 + 22 October 2008, in Jessica Lynne Santone, “Circulating the Event: The 6680 + Social Life of Performance Documentation, 1965–1975” (PhD diss., 6681 + McGill University, 2010), 102. 6682 + 29. “The Museum of Modern Art’s Performance Exhibition Series Continues 6683 + in January 2011 with Eclectic Group of Performances,” press release, 20 6684 + December 2010, https://assets.moma.org/documents/moma_press 6685 + -release_387221.pdf. 6686 + 30. Wist, “When a Tuna Fish Sandwich Becomes a Work of Art,” n.p. 6687 + 6688 + 6689 + 6690 + 6691 + 206 The Identical Lunch 6692 + 10. Mieko Shiomi: Spatial Poem 6693 + (1965–75) 6694 + 6695 + Natilee Harren 6696 + 6697 + 6698 + 6699 + 6700 + “Write a word (or words) on the enclosed card and 6701 + place it somewhere.” 6702 + 6703 + With this simple instruction, titled Spatial Poem No. 6704 + 1 (Word Event) and sent out to an international mailing list of 6705 + over a hundred Fluxus affiliates, Mieko (née Chieko) Shiomi 6706 + launched her Spatial Poem project in 1965. Ultimately, 6707 + Spatial Poem encompassed nine scores composed across a 6708 + decade of Shiomi’s practice and engaged more than 230 6709 + collaborators who reported their realizations of the artist’s 6710 + instructions back to her by mail from twenty-six different 6711 + countries (fig. 10.1). Spatial Poem is an apt emblem and 6712 + metaphor of the global network of intermedial, experimental 6713 + notation practices that began to formalize in the mid-1960s 6714 + and continued to expand into the 1970s and beyond. Its 6715 + structure integrated the composition, execution, and 6716 + documentation of individual scores and their performance 6717 + into a single holistic project of a performative-conceptual 6718 + nature. Shiomi’s project was rare among experimental 6719 + notation practices of the time for its attempt to actually 6720 + gather and compare diverse realizations. 6721 + Incredibly ambitious in scope by the time it 6722 + concluded, Spatial Poem’s origins were urgently practical. In 6723 + spring 1965, after a busy season rushing between avant- 6724 + garde events at various concert halls and artist lofts in New 6725 + York, Shiomi grew concerned with the limitations of space 6726 + and time that hampered the full integration of her artistic 6727 + community. As a response to the “inconvenience of 6728 + communication,”1 as the artist put it, Shiomi suggested to 6729 + leading Fluxus organizer George Maciunas “a do-it-yourself 6730 + 6731 + ................ 6732 + getty.edu/publications/scores/10/ 207 6733 + Fig. 10.1 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938). List of participants 6734 + in Spatial Poem (Nos. 1–4), ca. 1972, offset print. Getty Research Institute, 6735 + Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 47, folder 3. Used by permission of Mieko 6736 + Shiomi. 6737 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/515/ 6738 + 6739 + 6740 + 6741 + 6742 + 208 Spatial Poem 6743 + work that takes place on the whole earth as its stage, on 6744 + which many people living away from me can interpret the 6745 + event in their own ways and send me their reports.”2 6746 + Enthusiastic about the idea, Maciunas offered to contribute 6747 + his design acumen to the project’s documentation. The 6748 + fascinating dialogue between the two artists is captured in 6749 + the Archive section of this chapter; it includes Shiomi’s 6750 + sensitive warnings to Maciunas about his increasingly 6751 + “autocratic” management of Fluxus affairs. 6752 + Shiomi launched Word Event in New York and 6753 + orchestrated the remaining eight poems from her home in 6754 + Okayama and later from Osaka, cities far from Tokyo, the 6755 + center of the Japanese avant-garde. Tied to these provincial 6756 + sites due to caregiving responsibilities, she found that “the 6757 + mailbox outside was a marvelous window open toward the 6758 + world.”3 Furthermore, Shiomi understood the liberating 6759 + potential of reframing the everyday through the notion of the 6760 + event. “We have a ton of obligations, and tasks, and many, 6761 + many trivial things,” she has said. “But when you look at 6762 + things as an event, your mind is free from that kind of task. 6763 + It’s very free and released.”4 Shiomi has identified her 6764 + practice as being rooted in the experience of loss and having 6765 + to make do with very little, a sanguine outlook undeniably 6766 + linked to her experience during World War II Japan, 6767 + specifically the trauma of her childhood possessions being 6768 + destroyed in a 1945 air raid. 6769 + When Shiomi first turned to writing text scores as a 6770 + young artist in the early 1960s, she initially referred to them 6771 + as “action poems.” These pieces—including Mirror Piece, 6772 + Wind Music, and Shadow Piece (all 1963)—encouraged a 6773 + poetically flexible interpretation of language that might 6774 + reframe and transform the reader’s experience of everyday 6775 + phenomena, particularly in the natural world. Shiomi began 6776 + this work following her musicology studies at Tokyo National 6777 + University of Fine Arts and Music (also known as Geidai, 6778 + now called Tokyo University of the Arts), where she wrote a 6779 + thesis on the twelve-tone technique of Anton Webern and 6780 + 6781 + Harren 209 6782 + performed works by Arnold Schoenberg. Crucially during 6783 + that time, she formed the groundbreaking Group Ongaku 6784 + (Group Music, ca. 1959–62) with peers Takehisa Kosugi, 6785 + Shūkō Mizuno, Mikio Tojima, Yumiko Tanno, Gen’ichi Tsuge, 6786 + and Yasunao Tone in order to probe the boundaries of music 6787 + through collective improvisation. Shiomi’s formative work 6788 + with Group Ongaku laid the foundation for her individual 6789 + exploration of the dynamics between the singular event and 6790 + its simultaneous occurrence with other events. In an essay 6791 + published in the September 1960 issue of Nijisseiki buyō 6792 + (Twentieth-Century Dance), featuring a number of 6793 + statements by Group Ongaku members, Shiomi advocated a 6794 + practice of “sonic collage,” which embraces the chance 6795 + dialogue created by simultaneous yet independently derived 6796 + sounds.5 In March 1962, she presented her new 6797 + experimental practice in a solo concert at Okayama Cultural 6798 + Center Hall, including works realized from graphic scores 6799 + along with examples of what she considered “action music”: 6800 + walking around the stage, piling up matchboxes, and saying 6801 + numbers at random. 6802 + As Shiomi’s trajectory illustrates, transpacific 6803 + conversations between American and Japanese figures in 6804 + the postwar experimental music, performance, and 6805 + intermedial visual art worlds that The Scores Project 6806 + highlights were virtually immediate, thereby troubling the 6807 + idea that aesthetic innovations could be traced to any one 6808 + center. Following signal encounters with the artists Toshi 6809 + Ichiyanagi and Nam June Paik, Shiomi became involved in 6810 + Fluxus in 1963. When she first met Paik, at a concert at 6811 + Tokyo’s Sogetsu Hall in 1963, he proclaimed that she was 6812 + already a Fluxus artist. Indeed, Maciunas was by that time 6813 + familiar with her work, as Ichiyanagi (who had recently 6814 + returned to Japan after seven years in New York, some of 6815 + which were spent studying with John Cage) had sent several 6816 + of Shiomi’s scores to Maciunas in January 1962, before the 6817 + official launch of Fluxus. In the same period of Shiomi’s first 6818 + meeting with Paik, she visited Yoko Ono’s apartment in 6819 + 6820 + 210 Spatial Poem 6821 + Tokyo, where she encountered scores by George Brecht, and 6822 + began to think of her evolving notational language in relation 6823 + to the Fluxus concept of the event. 6824 + Another important moment of exchange that Shiomi 6825 + likely witnessed during this period was An Exhibition of 6826 + World Graphic Scores, mounted in November 1962 by 6827 + Ichiyanagi and Kuniharu Akiyama at Tokyo’s Minami Gallery 6828 + on the occasion of Cage and David Tudor’s first visit to 6829 + Japan. By December 1963, Maciunas had in hand Shiomi’s 6830 + complete works and was planning a Fluxus edition. 6831 + Encouraged by Akiyama and Maciunas, with whom Shiomi 6832 + was now in regular contact, she traveled with Shigeko 6833 + Kubota on a tourist visa to New York City in the summer of 6834 + 1964 to immerse herself in the Fluxus milieu. Her complete 6835 + works were ultimately published by Fluxus that year under 6836 + the name Chieko Shiomi (she had yet to take on the name 6837 + Mieko) and the title Events and Games (1964). 6838 + Shiomi’s Spatial Poem series adapted concepts from 6839 + her early action poems, relating simple actions to highly 6840 + subjective notions of time and space. Through nine different 6841 + instructions, interpreters were invited to think about and 6842 + respond to concepts and actions of direction, falling, 6843 + shadows, opening, orbiting, sound, wind, and 6844 + disappearance. Although the scores clearly relate to the 6845 + genre of Fluxus events, Shiomi hewed to the conceptual 6846 + framework of poetry, drawing from a longstanding 6847 + investment in literature that had preceded her advanced 6848 + studies in music. Additionally, she requested that 6849 + participants’ reports include the specific place and/or time of 6850 + the action’s completion. Anticipating this framework was 6851 + Shiomi’s score Direction Music for Fingers (1964), which 6852 + she performed in New York as part of a solo presentation in 6853 + October 1964 at Washington Square Gallery, coinciding 6854 + with a yearlong “Perpetual Fluxfest” (figs. 10.2, 10.3). 6855 + The piece not only was a response to her growing 6856 + concerns about the abiding spatiotemporal limitations on 6857 + creative activity but also anticipated her discovery of a 6858 + 6859 + Harren 211 6860 + Fig. 10.2 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938). Direction Music for 6861 + Fingers, September 1964, photocopy of handwritten score on lined paper. 6862 + Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 47, folder 3. 6863 + Used by permission of Mieko Shiomi. 6864 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/516/ 6865 + 6866 + 6867 + 6868 + 6869 + 212 Spatial Poem 6870 + Fig. 10.3 Mieko Shiomi (left, arms raised) performing Direction Music for 6871 + Fingers at Washington Square Gallery (Allan Kaprow is at right, 6872 + foreground), New York, NY, 30 October 1964. Photograph by Peter Moore; 6873 + © Northwestern University. 6874 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/517/ 6875 + 6876 + 6877 + 6878 + 6879 + Harren 213 6880 + broader solution to this problem in Spatial Poem. For 6881 + Direction Music for Fingers, Shiomi invited participants to 6882 + write a real or imagined location on a card and then attach 6883 + the card to a string, the other end of which was tied to one of 6884 + her fingers. The participant then affixed the card to a point 6885 + reaching toward the chosen location. Peter Moore’s 6886 + photograph of the event shows Allan Kaprow consulting a 6887 + map of Manhattan while Shiomi, arms raised, sits at the 6888 + center of a new, provisional spatial network (see fig. 10.3). 6889 + Taking up again the notion of direction for Spatial Poem No. 6890 + 2 (Direction Event) (1965), she explained her poetic intent in 6891 + a letter to Maciunas: “I meant ‘direction’ not only direction 6892 + on compass[;] in this poem it is rather the state of 6893 + consciousness of the relation between yourself and [the] 6894 + outside world” (fig. 10.4).6 6895 + Mostly from afar, Shiomi collaborated with Maciunas 6896 + to create records of the first four Spatial Poem events in the 6897 + form of object editions in line with the aesthetics of ongoing 6898 + Fluxus publishing endeavors. Each edition plays cleverly 6899 + with the given poem’s concept, inviting quasi-performative 6900 + engagement as the reader inspects it. We are invited to 6901 + delicately maneuver tiny paper flags (fig. 10.5), unfurl an 6902 + enormous paper map (fig. 10.6), let fall the pages of a wacky 6903 + calendar (fig. 10.7), and gently thread a roll of microfilm 6904 + through a handheld viewer (fig. 10.8). Like many Fluxus 6905 + affiliates, Shiomi sometimes protested Maciunas’s 6906 + overbearing designs, but, in general, the two artists 6907 + sustained a productive long-distance collaboration until 6908 + Maciunas’s chronic illness made this impossible. (Shiomi 6909 + had wanted him ultimately to design collective reports for all 6910 + nine poems.) 6911 + Spatial Poem transforms the utopian ideal of the 6912 + indeterminate or open-form work’s potential for infinite 6913 + possibility into a carefully documented program that has 6914 + been preserved for later cross-examination. Indeed for 6915 + Shiomi, the opportunity to compare multifarious 6916 + interpretations is the most compelling aspect of composing 6917 + 6918 + 214 Spatial Poem 6919 + Fig. 10.4 Letter from Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi to George Maciunas, ca. 6920 + 1965, photocopy of typewritten text on paper. Getty Research Institute, 6921 + Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 31, folder 30. Used by permission of 6922 + Mieko Shiomi. 6923 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/536/ 6924 + 6925 + 6926 + 6927 + 6928 + Harren 215 6929 + Fig. 10.5 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938); George Maciunas 6930 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78). Object edition of Spatial Poem No. 1 6931 + (Word Event), 1965, clear plastic box with hinged lid and cork-covered 6932 + bottom with paper-flag pins. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 6933 + 890164, box 225. Used by permission of Mieko Shiomi and Billie Maciunas. 6934 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/525/ 6935 + 6936 + 6937 + 6938 + 6939 + 216 Spatial Poem 6940 + Fig. 10.6 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938); George Maciunas 6941 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78). Object edition of Spatial Poem No. 2 6942 + (Direction Event), 1966, offset print. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown 6943 + Papers, 890164, flat file 37**. Used by permission of Mieko Shiomi and 6944 + Billie Maciunas. 6945 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/526/ 6946 + 6947 + 6948 + 6949 + 6950 + Harren 217 6951 + Fig. 10.7 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938); George Maciunas 6952 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78). Object edition of Spatial Poem No. 3 (a 6953 + fluxcalender), 1968, two sets of printed calendar pages (14 × 10.8 cm), 6954 + one housed loose inside a wood box with a hinged lid and metal clasp, the 6955 + other bolted into book form on a strap of leather. Getty Research Institute, 6956 + Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 223. Used by permission of Mieko Shiomi 6957 + and Billie Maciunas. 6958 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/527/ 6959 + 6960 + 6961 + 6962 + 6963 + 218 Spatial Poem 6964 + Fig. 10.8 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938); George Maciunas 6965 + (Lithuanian American, 1931–78). Object edition of Spatial Poem No. 4 (a 6966 + fluxmovie), 1973, white plastic box with a hinged lid containing a roll of 6967 + microfilm mounted on a miniature green plastic viewer. Getty Research 6968 + Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 219. Digital Image © The 6969 + Museum of Modern Art/Licensed by SCALA / Art Resource, NY. The Gilbert 6970 + and Lila Silverman Fluxus Collection Gift. © 2024 Mieko Shiomi. 6971 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/528/ 6972 + 6973 + 6974 + 6975 + 6976 + Harren 219 6977 + open-ended scores. In 1973 she reflected, “The reports 6978 + returned by various people are very diverse and full of 6979 + individuality—some poetic, some realistic or cynical, some 6980 + artificial, some spontaneous, etc. When they are all 6981 + collected together, they present a fantastic panorama of 6982 + human attitudes.”7 The resources included in this chapter 6983 + enable you to compare reports sent to Shiomi by dozens of 6984 + wide-ranging figures, some of whom are not typically 6985 + associated with Fluxus: John Baldessari, stanley brouwn, 6986 + Carolyn Brown, Christo, Ian Hamilton Finlay, Allen Ginsberg, 6987 + Daria Halprin, Richard Hamilton, Sylvester Houédard, 6988 + Douglas Huebler, Ray Johnson, Vytautas Landsbergis, 6989 + György Ligeti, Jonas Mekas, Brian O’Doherty, Robin Page, 6990 + Betty Parsons, Carolee Schneemann, Paul Thek, Peter Van 6991 + Riper, Tom Wesselmann, Robert Whitman, Jean-Pierre 6992 + Wilhelm, La Monte Young, and Marian Zazeela, among many 6993 + others. 6994 + Through Spatial Poem, Shiomi acted as the 6995 + conductor of a worldwide action-music composition, 6996 + illuminating in intimate detail an international social network 6997 + of likeminded artists allied in a search for sympathetic 6998 + collaborators and audiences with whom to share their 6999 + vanguard work. Although Spatial Poem is sometimes 7000 + characterized as a form of mail art, Shiomi did not consider it 7001 + so, since her focus was on the simultaneity of actions 7002 + performed rather than her administration of the project. 7003 + More notable, perhaps, is the way Spatial Poem adopts as its 7004 + very method the Fluxus notion of intermedia, or rather (as 7005 + the artist has more recently described it) “transmedia”—an 7006 + artistic practice in which “the original concept is carried into 7007 + subsequent works even though the form of expression is 7008 + different each time.”8 7009 + After completing the final piece, Spatial Poem No. 9, 7010 + appropriately titled Disappearing Event (1975), Shiomi self- 7011 + published an artist’s book chronicling the vast array of 7012 + responses she had received over the years. The book’s cover 7013 + 7014 + 7015 + 220 Spatial Poem 7016 + Fig. 10.9 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938). Cover of Complete 7017 + Works: Spatial Poem (Osaka, Japan: self-published, 1976), artist’s book. 7018 + Getty Research Institute, item 91-B36111. Used by permission of Mieko 7019 + Shiomi. 7020 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/530/ 7021 + 7022 + 7023 + 7024 + 7025 + Harren 221 7026 + Fig. 10.10 Mieko (Chieko) Shiomi (Japanese, b. 1938). Promotional 7027 + postcard for Complete Works: Spatial Poem, ca. 1976, offset print. Getty 7028 + Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 47, folder 3. Used by 7029 + permission of Mieko Shiomi. 7030 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/518/ 7031 + 7032 + 7033 + 7034 + 7035 + 222 Spatial Poem 7036 + and a related promotional postcard feature the titles of each 7037 + event arrayed alongside a graphically abstracted photograph 7038 + of the Earth closely resembling the famous “Blue Marble” 7039 + image taken by the crew of Apollo 17 in 1972, 7040 + acknowledging that Spatial Poem had indeed unfolded 7041 + alongside an expanding global ecological consciousness 7042 + among artists and intellectuals of the period (figs. 10.9, 7043 + 10.10). Imagining the Fluxus network in parallel with our 7044 + solar system, Shiomi has remarked, “I have been at the 7045 + position of Pluto. But living in a remote place enabled me to 7046 + see the outline of Fluxus rather clearly.”9 The experience of 7047 + reading through Shiomi’s compilation of Spatial Poem scores 7048 + recalls George Brecht’s conviction that an event score may 7049 + be either performed or simply observed or imagined. 7050 + Impressively, the works guaranteed both outcomes: first, in 7051 + the actual performances conducted by members of Shiomi’s 7052 + network, and second, in our mental visualization of each 7053 + performance as we read the gathered reports. 7054 + Concluding in 1975, Spatial Poem may be 7055 + understood as an emblematic final bookend to more than 7056 + two decades of collective experimentations with 7057 + performance notations. For the artist, however, its audience 7058 + was potentially much greater. “I would like to think,” Shiomi 7059 + has written, that “the collective anonymous poem can be 7060 + preserved as a monument for the people of the 30th 7061 + century—if we survive that long.”10 7062 + 7063 + Notes 7064 + 7065 + 1. Mieko Shiomi, “Mieko Shiomi,” Art and Artists 8, no. 7 (1973): 42. 7066 + 2. Mieko Shiomi, quoted in Kakinuma Toshie and Takeuchi Nao, “Oral 7067 + History Interview with Shiomi Mieko,” 1 December 2014, trans. Reiko 7068 + Tomii, Archival Research Center, Kyoto University of Arts, https://www 7069 + .kcua.ac.jp/arc/ar/shiomi_eg_1/. 7070 + 3. Mieko Shiomi, quoted in Michelle Elligott, “Interview with Artist Mieko 7071 + Shiomi: Chapter 3,” 27 October 2011, Post: Notes on Modern & 7072 + Contemporary Art around the Globe, website of the Contemporary and 7073 + Modern Art Perspectives (C-MAP) program at the Museum of Modern 7074 + 7075 + 7076 + 7077 + 7078 + Harren 223 7079 + Art, New York, https://post.at.moma.org/content_items/22-interview 7080 + -with-shiomi-mieko. 7081 + 4. Mieko Shiomi, quoted in Sally Kawamura, “Appreciating the Incidental: 7082 + Mieko Shiomi’s ‘Events,’” Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist 7083 + Theory 19, no. 3 (November 2009): 313. 7084 + 5. Chieko [Mieko] Shiomi, “Onkyō no obuje no sokkyōteki korāju: Onkyō to 7085 + no taiwa” (The Improvisational Collage of Sound Objects: A Dialog of 7086 + Sound), Nijisseiki buyō 5 (1 September 1960): 17–23, cited in William 7087 + Marotti, “Challenge to Music: The Music Group’s Sonic Politics,” in 7088 + Tomorrow Is the Question: New Directions in Experimental Music 7089 + Studies, ed. Benjamin Piekut (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 7090 + 2014), 126. 7091 + 6. Mieko Shiomi to George Maciunas, ca. 1965, Jean Brown Papers, 7092 + 1916–1995 (bulk 1958–1985), 890164 and 2016.M.14, box 31, folder 7093 + 30, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 7094 + 7. Shiomi, “Mieko Shiomi,” 44. 7095 + 8. Mieko Shiomi, “Intermedia/Transmedia,” transcript of a lecture given at 7096 + the Museum of Contemporary Art, Tokyo, 29 April 2012, trans. Midori 7097 + Yoshimoto, Post: Notes on Art in a Global Context, website of the C-MAP 7098 + program (see note 3 above), https://post.moma.org/intermedia 7099 + -transmedia/. 7100 + 9. Mieko Shiomi, quoted in Alison Knowles et al., “An Evening with Fluxus 7101 + Women: A Roundtable Discussion,” Women & Performance: A Journal of 7102 + Feminist Theory 19, no. 3 (November 2009): 370. 7103 + 10. Shiomi, “Mieko Shiomi,” 44. 7104 + 7105 + 7106 + 7107 + 7108 + 224 Spatial Poem 7109 + 11. Allan Kaprow: Routine 7110 + (1973–75) 7111 + 7112 + Emily Ruth Capper 7113 + 7114 + 7115 + 7116 + 7117 + Between 1958 and 1959, around the same time George 7118 + Brecht devised his first event scores (see chapter 6), Allan 7119 + Kaprow developed the “happening.” Kaprow had started out 7120 + as a painter and then, in the tradition of Cubism and Dada, 7121 + began to affix everyday materials to his paintings. Inspired 7122 + by a wide range of sources, from Jackson Pollock’s mural- 7123 + size paintings to lowbrow funhouses, Kaprow’s work rapidly 7124 + increased in scale from collages to three-dimensional 7125 + assemblages to, finally, room-size installations he called 7126 + “environments.”1 Kaprow constructed his environments out 7127 + of a signature array of everyday objects (for instance, plastic 7128 + drop cloths, holiday lights, tinfoil, mirrors). In his later 7129 + happenings, he incorporated human participants and gave 7130 + them various actions, tasks, and games to perform. 7131 + While Kaprow staged several early happenings in art 7132 + galleries, he soon decided that the physical, psychological, 7133 + and social coordinates of the gallery impeded the sort of 7134 + participation he desired from viewers. He thus began to work 7135 + in a way we would now call site-specific, meaning that he 7136 + created happenings for specific non-art locations and 7137 + structures. Another major shift in the poetics of the 7138 + happening occurred around 1965, when Kaprow decided to 7139 + “eliminate the audience” (as he put it) by working exclusively 7140 + with small groups of committed participants to realize a 7141 + given happening over two or more days.2 Kaprow fostered 7142 + such intimacy in order to differentiate the happening from 7143 + both traditional theater and youth culture (light shows, rock 7144 + concerts, promotional stunts) and their purportedly more 7145 + passive forms of spectatorship. In part, he was responding 7146 + 7147 + ................ 7148 + getty.edu/publications/scores/11/ 225 7149 + to the fact that, during the later 1960s, the word 7150 + “happening” was becoming synonymous with spectacular 7151 + events, whereas before 1965 it meant simply “occurrence.” 7152 + For this reason, Kaprow largely abandoned the use of the 7153 + word “happening” by the 1970s and turned instead to what 7154 + he called “activities” for the rest of his career.3 7155 + Kaprow developed a notation practice to support his 7156 + work with happenings and activities. Like Brecht, he was 7157 + profoundly influenced by John Cage’s experimental 7158 + composition course at the New School for Social Research 7159 + (fig. 11.1). By the time Kaprow started the course in late 7160 + 1957, he had already experimented with sound in his 7161 + assemblages and environments, notably via noise-making 7162 + toys, which he hid in the corners of the Hansa Gallery’s 7163 + ceiling molding.4 Frustrated by the mechanical repetition of 7164 + his sonic environment, Kaprow enrolled in Cage’s class with 7165 + the intention of learning how to make audiotape collages.5 7166 + Although Kaprow learned musique concrète techniques 7167 + from Cage (fig. 11.2), he found Cage’s deeper philosophical 7168 + lessons about indeterminacy even more productive. Cage 7169 + taught that the experimental score and its performance are 7170 + at once interdependent and incommensurate: where the 7171 + score is abstract, the performance is concrete; where the 7172 + score is fixed, every performance is different. Cage also 7173 + demonstrated these ideas in a fun and participatory way in a 7174 + classroom that Kaprow likened to “a playground.”6 Each 7175 + week, Cage asked students to compose a short score in 7176 + response to a prompt that often involved chance procedures 7177 + and nontraditional instruments like radios, which he had 7178 + used in some of his own compositions. The students would 7179 + perform their scores for Cage during class and discuss the 7180 + results, reflecting on what they had experienced.7 7181 + Kaprow’s activities can be seen to revisit the 7182 + unrehearsed performances and philosophical discussions 7183 + that flourished in Cage’s classroom. Of his activities, 7184 + Routine is a prime example. Commissioned by Oregon’s 7185 + Portland Center for the Visual Arts (PCVA) in April 1973, 7186 + 7187 + 226 Routine 7188 + Fig. 11.1 Students in John Cage’s experimental composition class, New 7189 + School for Social Research, New York, NY, summer 1958. From Al Hansen, 7190 + A Primer of Happenings & Time-Space Art (New York: Something Else 7191 + Press, 1965), 100. 7192 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/557/ 7193 + 7194 + 7195 + 7196 + 7197 + Capper 227 7198 + Fig. 11.2 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Tape Score, 1957. Getty 7199 + Research Institute, Allan Kaprow Papers, 980063, box 4, folder 7. 7200 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/579/#fig-579-h 7201 + 7202 + 7203 + 7204 + 7205 + 228 Routine 7206 + Routine encompasses several interlocking elements. In the 7207 + fall of that year, Kaprow composed the score, which he 7208 + referred to as the “program.”8 During a three-day residency 7209 + at the PCVA in December, he realized the program with 7210 + twenty or so different pairs of participants. The realizations 7211 + took place on a Saturday afternoon and were bookended by 7212 + what he called a “briefing” on Friday evening and a “review” 7213 + on Saturday evening. In the remaining available time on 7214 + Friday and Sunday, Kaprow also produced a version of 7215 + Routine in the form of a short instructional film. Finally, two 7216 + years later, Kaprow published Routine as an “activity 7217 + booklet” that included the program, photographs, and an 7218 + accompanying essay. 7219 + Over the course of Routine’s five parts, Kaprow uses 7220 + ordinary objects to isolate and scramble visual and aural 7221 + communication channels. In parts 1, 3, and 5, the two 7222 + participants look at each other in mirrors; in parts 2, 4, and 7223 + 5, they speak over the phone. In each part, participants 7224 + alternate and repeat routine gestures and phrases to the 7225 + point of illegibility, inaudibility, or exhaustion and interact 7226 + with each other in both intimate and socially awkward ways. 7227 + Over the course of each part, communication becomes more 7228 + and more difficult as the various tasks become further 7229 + abstracted, inducing moments of self-conscious reflection. 7230 + The program is composed of ordinary language that 7231 + has been repurposed in highly formal ways. The blocks of 7232 + text are centered, symmetrical, and generously framed by 7233 + blank space. Most importantly, Kaprow writes in the 7234 + continuous present tense rather than the imperative. This is 7235 + unusual for instructions and, to some extent, lends the 7236 + program a self-contained, poetic quality. At the same time, 7237 + however, many of the notations are indeterminate and thus 7238 + require considerable interpretive work to be realized, as, for 7239 + example, in the beginning of part 4 (fig. 11.3). Here, the 7240 + instruction reads “saying something”—but saying what, 7241 + exactly? This is for the performer to decide. Kaprow’s 7242 + intense focus on the form of the phone call, seemingly at the 7243 + 7244 + Capper 229 7245 + expense of its content or message, invites comparison to 7246 + Brecht’s earlier Three Telephone Events (1961), an event 7247 + score that Kaprow particularly liked (fig. 11.4). 7248 + Kaprow eventually concluded that his experimental 7249 + scores should not circulate independently of a structured 7250 + pedagogical context, a conceit distinguishing his practice 7251 + from that of Brecht and other Fluxus artists.9 It may also 7252 + reflect his long career as a university professor.10 Kaprow 7253 + argued, “An unfamiliar genre like this one does not speak for 7254 + itself. Explaining, reading, thinking, doing, feeling, 7255 + reviewing, and thinking again are commingled.”11 To this 7256 + end, he introduced Routine with a “briefing” in the form of a 7257 + short lecture that broke down the formal structure of the 7258 + activity and sketched out various ways to interpret it. Here, 7259 + Kaprow translated philosophical questions into vernacular 7260 + terms and made the activity sound both intellectually 7261 + worthwhile and fun. It was with a certain seriousness of 7262 + purpose, then, that the participants in Routine spread out 7263 + across Portland to realize the program in their own ways (fig. 7264 + 11.5). After the realizations had occurred, Kaprow 7265 + reconvened the participants at the PCVA for a “review”—a 7266 + seminar-style discussion during which participants analyzed 7267 + their experiences. He would ask: Did your experience of 7268 + Routine conform to your expectations? How did your 7269 + experience differ from your partner’s? Questions such as 7270 + these enabled Kaprow to gather crucial feedback and to 7271 + measure, however informally, the program’s ability to inspire 7272 + diverse realizations while maintaining a unified 7273 + purposiveness. 7274 + Kaprow’s commitment to framing his activities 7275 + pedagogically posed certain challenges, particularly with 7276 + regard to publication. The typed program alone did not, in 7277 + Kaprow’s view, offer enough guidance, so he developed two 7278 + novel publication formats: the activity booklet and what we 7279 + might call the “activity film.” The activity booklets invariably 7280 + open with a short essay that condenses the functions of 7281 + Kaprow’s “briefing” and “review.” In the essay, Kaprow 7282 + 7283 + 230 Routine 7284 + Fig. 11.3 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Detail of part 4 of the 7285 + printed program for Routine, 1973. Getty Research Institute, Allan Kaprow 7286 + Papers, 980063, box 24, folder 9. 7287 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/561/ 7288 + 7289 + 7290 + 7291 + 7292 + Capper 231 7293 + Fig. 11.4 George Brecht (American, 1926–2008). Three Telephone 7294 + Events, spring 1961. From Water Yam (1963), wooden box with label, 7295 + containing ninety-one scores printed on various sizes and colors of card 7296 + stock. Getty Research Institute, Jean Brown Papers, 890164, box 127. © 7297 + 2022 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn. 7298 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/562/ 7299 + 7300 + 7301 + 7302 + 7303 + 232 Routine 7304 + Fig. 11.5 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Detail of page 2 of the 7305 + program for Routine, with notes handwritten by a participant during 7306 + Kaprow’s residency at the Portland Center for the Visual Arts, Portland, OR, 7307 + December 1973. Getty Research Institute, Allan Kaprow Papers, 980063, 7308 + box 24, folder 9. 7309 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/563/ 7310 + 7311 + 7312 + 7313 + 7314 + Capper 233 7315 + clarifies the key concepts that animate the program and 7316 + summarizes the range of realizations that have already 7317 + occurred. But even this was not enough to reel in the distant 7318 + reader. In order to provoke a physical response, Kaprow 7319 + enlists the mimetic magic of photographic media. As he 7320 + explains at the start of the Routine activity booklet: 7321 + 7322 + The photos here do not document ROUTINE. They 7323 + fictionalize it. They were made and assembled to 7324 + illustrate a framework of moves upon which an 7325 + action or set of actions could be based. They 7326 + function somewhere between the artifice of a 7327 + Hollywood movie and an instruction manual.12 7328 + 7329 + Where most artists in Kaprow’s milieu used 7330 + photography to document performances, Kaprow used the 7331 + medium to inspire new ones. To this end, he developed a 7332 + diagrammatic approach that began by sketching out the 7333 + basic photographic compositions in advance. More than a 7334 + mere guide, these sketches yielded photographs that retain a 7335 + strong graphic quality: individual faces are deliberately 7336 + obscured in favor of clear postures and spatial relationships. 7337 + For example, on the first page of the activity booklet, the 7338 + man’s shadow is a stick figure come to life or, rather, a living 7339 + person made into a stick figure (figs. 11.6, 11.7). Sometimes 7340 + Kaprow took the photographs for his activity booklets, but 7341 + more often he directed an art student to do it; in this case it 7342 + was Alvin Comiter, a student at the California Institute of the 7343 + Arts. Nevertheless, Kaprow dictated the style as well as the 7344 + mise-en-scène, in the manner of a film director guiding a 7345 + cinematographer. 7346 + The PCVA gave Kaprow a modest budget for 7347 + documentation. But instead of filming the Saturday 7348 + realizations as one might expect, the artist kept those 7349 + private. He had determined that the presence of a camera 7350 + altered the experience of performance in profound ways that 7351 + had to be carefully accounted for.13 He used the funds to 7352 + produce an instructional film, complete with copious 7353 + 7354 + 234 Routine 7355 + Fig. 11.6 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Drawing on the 7356 + handwritten draft of the program for Routine, 1973. Getty Research 7357 + Institute, Allan Kaprow Papers, 980063, box 24, folder 9. 7358 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/564/ 7359 + 7360 + 7361 + 7362 + 7363 + Capper 235 7364 + Fig. 11.7 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Detail of page 3 of the 7365 + activity booklet for Routine, 1975. Getty Research Institute, Allan Kaprow 7366 + Papers, 980063, box 24, folder 9. Image © Alvin Comiter. 7367 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/565/ 7368 + 7369 + 7370 + 7371 + 7372 + 236 Routine 7373 + voiceovers, intertitles, and semi-rehearsed performances 7374 + (fig. 11.8). Like the sort of industrial film it mimics 7375 + rhetorically, the activity film Routine was made cheaply and 7376 + quickly, and to carry out his vision Kaprow engaged the 7377 + technical expertise of young people, including the aspiring 7378 + documentary filmmaker Michael Sullivan (fig. 11.9).14 7379 + The activity film for Routine follows the pattern of 7380 + the genre of the activity booklet in many ways. The 7381 + compositions and gestures, for instance, tend to look 7382 + somewhat abstract, thanks in part to the readymade 7383 + geometries of the locations themselves, like the white lines 7384 + of a parking lot (fig. 11.10). Further, the shot-reverse-shot 7385 + editing is easy to follow, in part because it is a familiar 7386 + element of classic Hollywood film grammar. In this context, 7387 + Kaprow’s numerous activities for couples that entail an 7388 + exaggerated series of miscommunications and awkward 7389 + entanglements curiously evoke the plot of a romantic 7390 + comedy, albeit a drastically simplified one. 7391 + Kaprow’s films and videos of the 1970s were 7392 + experiments (figs. 11.11, 11.12, 11.13, and 11.14). He was 7393 + clear about their intended function: to serve as animated 7394 + versions of indeterminate scores rather than as 7395 + documentations of performances. Indeed, he stated this 7396 + intention directly through his opening voiceovers. But 7397 + Kaprow was not entirely sure that any film could function as 7398 + an indeterminate score, since participants might be tempted 7399 + to simply mimic what they saw on screen, thus foreclosing 7400 + the creative aspect of realization in the Cagean tradition. 7401 + Thus, in characteristic fashion, Kaprow devised a further 7402 + experiment in 1976. He directed a group of friends, along 7403 + with his then wife, Vaughan Rachel, to try out one of his 7404 + instructional videotapes as an experimental score for an 7405 + activity. After the group performed the activity, Kaprow 7406 + convened a review session at which he asked them about 7407 + their experiences using the instructional videotape. Kaprow 7408 + recorded this review session on audiotape, and as it 7409 + unspools we hear his friends criticize his videotape score, 7410 + 7411 + Capper 237 7412 + Fig. 11.8 Allan Kaprow filming performers Sue Johnson (left) and David 7413 + Hauck for the film version of Routine, 1973. Getty Research Institute, Allan 7414 + Kaprow Papers, 980063, box 24, folder 9. 7415 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/566/ 7416 + 7417 + 7418 + 7419 + 7420 + 238 Routine 7421 + Fig. 11.9 Michael Sullivan (front, center) and the crew for the activity film 7422 + for Routine (1973), photographed at the Portland Center for the Visual Arts, 7423 + 1973. Getty Research Institute, Allan Kaprow Papers, 980063, box 24, 7424 + folder 9. 7425 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/567/ 7426 + 7427 + 7428 + 7429 + 7430 + Capper 239 7431 + Fig. 11.10 Allan Kaprow (American, 1927–2006). Film still from Routine, 7432 + 1973, 1 film reel: 16mm, SD, b&w. Getty Research Institute, Allan Kaprow 7433 + Papers, 980063, box 99, F46. 7434 + getty.edu/publications/scores/object-index/568/ 7435 + 7436 + 7437 + 7438 + 7439 + 240 Routine 7440 + Fig. 11.11 Allan Kaprow (American, Fig. 11.12 Allan Kaprow (American, 7441 + 1927–2006). Routine, 1973, 1 film 1927–2006). Warm-ups, 1975, 1 7442 + reel: 16mm, SD, b&w. Getty film reel: 16mm, SD, color. Getty 7443 + Research Institute, Allan Kaprow Research Institute, Allan Kaprow 7444 + Papers, 980063, box 99, F46. Papers, 980063, box 99, F47. 7445 + getty.edu/publications/scores/ getty.edu/publications/scores/ 7446 + object-index/574/ object-index/570/ 7447 + 7448 + 7449 + 7450 + 7451 + Fig. 11.13 Allan Kaprow (American, Fig. 11.14 Allan Kaprow (American, 7452 + 1927–2006). Comfort Zones, 1975, 1927–2006). 7 Kinds of Sympathy, 7453 + 1 film reel: 16mm, SD, b&w. 1976, U-matic videocassette, SD, 7454 + Produced by Galería Vandrés, SA., color, ¾-inch tape. Produced by 7455 + Madrid, Spain. Photographed and Peter Kirby and Anna Canepa Video 7456 + edited by David Seaton, with Distribution, with performers Julie 7457 + performers Esther Llordén and Mario Steiny and Bryan Jones. Getty 7458 + Costas. Getty Research Institute, Research Institute, Allan Kaprow 7459 + Allan Kaprow Papers, 980063, box Papers, 980063, box 91, V37. 7460 + 99, F48. getty.edu/publications/scores/ 7461 + getty.edu/publications/scores/ object-index/576/ 7462 + object-index/575/ 7463 + 7464 + 7465 + 7466 + 7467 + Capper 241 7468 + describing it as idealized, didactic, or otherwise misleading. 7469 + While many artists might find this reaction deflating, Kaprow 7470 + sounds energized. For him, the score form was at least in 7471 + part a tool for generating meaningful debate and self- 7472 + critique. The process of realization would ideally generate 7473 + further new forms, which is precisely what we hear later on 7474 + the audiotaped review when one of his friends proposes that 7475 + Kaprow make an almost absurdly recursive instructional 7476 + videotape explaining how to use his instructional 7477 + videotapes. Such glimmers of self-reflection were 7478 + perennially Kaprow’s aim as he brought both participants 7479 + and pedagogical techniques into the center of his artworks. 7480 + 7481 + Notes 7482 + 7483 + 1. Allan Kaprow, “The Legacy of Jackson Pollock” (1958), in Essays on the 7484 + Blurring of Art and Life, ed. Jeff Kelley (Berkeley: University of California 7485 + Press, 2003), 1–9; and Allan Kaprow, Assemblages, Environments, and 7486 + Happenings (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1966), 157–65. 7487 + 2. Allan Kaprow, “Nontheatrical Performance” (1976), in Essays on the 7488 + Blurring of Art and Life, 173. 7489 + 3. Kaprow explains: “My choice of the word ‘Happening’ was intended to 7490 + neutralize art and to suggest the possibility of a consciousness and mode 7491 + of action unencumbered by associations with either any art or other 7492 + profession. Once I saw that it acquired stereotypical meanings which 7493 + only got in the way of that consciousness, I adopted Michael Kirby’s word 7494 + ‘Activity’ as an alternative.” Allan Kaprow, “Easy Activity,” in Art Studies 7495 + for an Editor: 25 Essays in Memory of Milton S. Fox (New York: Harry N. 7496 + Abrams, 1975), 177. Michael Kirby was a drama professor at New York 7497 + University and editor of Happenings: An Illustrated Anthology (New 7498 + York: E. P. Dutton, 1965). 7499 + 4. Allan Kaprow, interview by Joan Marter and Joseph Jacobs, in Off 7500 + Limits: Rutgers University and the Avant-Garde, 1957–63, ed. Joan 7501 + Marter (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1999), 132. 7502 + 5. Kaprow recalled, “I went to John [Cage] to find out how I could use tapes, 7503 + because I figured tapes could contain a lot more sound on them, that I 7504 + could do much more with them because I heard a lot of his work, and 7505 + everybody was doing pre-electronic music in those days, calling it 7506 + musique concrète, which was in the mid-fifties.” Allan Kaprow, oral 7507 + history interview by Moira Roth, 5 and 18 February 1981, Archives of 7508 + American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., 22. 7509 + 7510 + 7511 + 7512 + 242 Routine 7513 + 6. Allan Kaprow, in conversation with Gordon Mumma, James Tenney, 7514 + Christian Wolff, Alvin Curran, and Maryanne Amacher, in “Cage’s 7515 + Influence: A Panel Discussion,” in Writings through John Cage’s Music, 7516 + Poetry, and Art, ed. David W. Bernstein and Christopher Hatch (Chicago: 7517 + University of Chicago Press, 2001), 171. 7518 + 7. Cage recalled about his New School course: “One thing I insisted upon in 7519 + the class, I said, ‘Don’t bring any work to the class that you can’t do. If 7520 + you can’t do it here, don’t bring it here.’” John Cage, oral history 7521 + interview, 2 May 1974, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian 7522 + Institution, Washington, D.C., https://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/ 7523 + interviews/oral-history-interview-john-cage-12442. For the broad 7524 + outlines of Cage’s class, see Joseph Jacobs, “Crashing New York à la 7525 + John Cage,” in Marter, Off Limits, 65–99; and Bruce Altshuler, “The 7526 + Cage Class,” in FluxAttitudes, ed. Cornelia Lauf and Susan Hapgood 7527 + (Buffalo, NY: Hallwalls Contemporary Arts Center, 1991), 17–23. 7528 + 8. Kaprow called his scores “programs” after 1968 in order to foster 7529 + associations with computing and modern communications systems, 7530 + rather than with fine art. See Allan Kaprow, interview by Richard 7531 + Schechner, The Drama Review 12, no. 3 (1968): 153; and Allan Kaprow, 7532 + “Education of the Un-Artist, Part I” (1971), in Essays on the Blurring of 7533 + Art and Life, 106. 7534 + 9. Kaprow collaborated with many Fluxus artists over the years, but he did 7535 + not identify as a Fluxus artist himself. According to his account, this was 7536 + because he could not get along with George Maciunas. Allan Kaprow, 7537 + “Maestro Maciunas” (1996), in Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life, 7538 + 243–46. 7539 + 10. Kaprow earned a master’s degree in art history from Columbia University 7540 + in 1952 and held academic posts at the following institutions: Rutgers 7541 + University, 1952–61; Stony Brook University, 1961–68; the California 7542 + Institute of the Arts, 1969–74; and University of California at San Diego, 7543 + 1974–92. 7544 + 11. Kaprow, “Nontheatrical Performance,” 167. 7545 + 12. Allan Kaprow, Routine activity booklet, 1975, Allan Kaprow Papers, 7546 + 980063, box 24, folder 9, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 7547 + 13. On Kaprow’s complex uses of photography in happenings, see Judith F. 7548 + Rodenbeck, “Foil,” in Radical Prototypes: Allan Kaprow and the Invention 7549 + of Happenings (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011), 223–40. On this 7550 + topic in relation to Routine, see Judith F. Rodenbeck, “Various Small 7551 + Ethnofictions of Coastal California,” in The Uses of Photography: Art, 7552 + Politics, and the Reinvention of a Medium, ed. Jill Dawsey (San Diego: 7553 + Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego, 2016), 103–6. 7554 + 14. Brian Marquard, “Michael Sullivan; at 67, producer for ‘Frontline,’” 7555 + Boston Globe, 28 June 2013, https://www.bostonglobe.com/metro/ 7556 + 7557 + 7558 + Capper 243 7559 + 2013/06/27/michael-sullivan-marblehead-frontline-producer-projects 7560 + -included-the-mormons-and-kind-hearted-woman/ 7561 + gsv1MiSnWgjxyJYJ0vkE8H/story.html. 7562 + 7563 + 7564 + 7565 + 7566 + 244 Routine 7567 + Contributors 7568 + 7569 + 7570 + 7571 + 7572 + Julia Bryan-Wilson is professor of art history and gender 7573 + studies at Columbia University. Her most recent book 7574 + is Louise Nevelson’s Sculpture: Drag, Color, Join, Face (Yale 7575 + University Press, 2023). 7576 + 7577 + Emily Ruth Capper is assistant professor in the Department 7578 + of Art History at the University of Minnesota. Her first book, 7579 + Happening Pedagogy: Allan Kaprow’s Experiments in 7580 + Instruction, 1948–1968, is forthcoming from the University 7581 + of Chicago Press. 7582 + 7583 + Michael Gallope is professor of cultural studies and 7584 + comparative literature at the University of Minnesota. His 7585 + most recent book is The Musician as Philosopher: New 7586 + York’s Vernacular Avant-Garde, 1958–1978 (University of 7587 + Chicago Press, 2024). 7588 + 7589 + Natilee Harren is associate professor of modern and 7590 + contemporary art history and theory at the University of 7591 + Houston School of Art and the author of Fluxus Forms: 7592 + Scores, Multiples, and the Eternal Network (University of 7593 + Chicago Press, 2020). 7594 + 7595 + John Hicks is a lecturer in the Department of Cultural Studies 7596 + and Comparative Literature at the University of Minnesota. 7597 + 7598 + George E. Lewis is the Edwin H. Case Professor of American 7599 + Music at Columbia University. He is the author of A Power 7600 + Stronger Than Itself: The AACM and American Experimental 7601 + Music (University of Chicago Press, 2008). 7602 + 7603 + 7604 + 7605 + 245 7606 + Nancy Perloff is curator of modern and contemporary 7607 + collections at the Getty Research Institute. She is the author 7608 + of Concrete Poetry: A 21st-Century Anthology (Reaktion, 7609 + 2023). 7610 + 7611 + Benjamin Piekut is professor and chair of the Department of 7612 + Music at Cornell University. 7613 + 7614 + 7615 + 7616 + 7617 + 246 Contributors 7618 + Acknowledgments 7619 + 7620 + 7621 + 7622 + 7623 + A project of this scope and ambition could not have come 7624 + to fruition without the dedication and brilliance of many 7625 + people whose outstanding collaborative efforts have been 7626 + crucial at every stage. The editors would like to 7627 + acknowledge the early contributions of Getty Research 7628 + Institute Publications staff Michele Ciaccio, Janelle 7629 + Gatchalian, and especially Gail Feigenbaum, who first 7630 + hatched the idea of featuring experimental scores in a 7631 + multimedia digital format. We remain in awe of the 7632 + herculean imaging efforts of Ted Walbye, Peter Dueker, 7633 + Taylor Branham, Sophie Chen-Iveson, Michael Smith, 7634 + Johana Herrera, Steve DeFurio, and many others over the 7635 + years. Our thanks also to Victoria Barry, Audrey Warne, 7636 + Dina Murokh, Chloe Millhauser, and Kate Justement for 7637 + the hours they spent tracking down and cataloging the 7638 + project’s rich trove of objects in preparation for imaging. 7639 + Likewise, Karen Ehrmann and Pauline Lopez acquired 7640 + images and permissions with admirable professionalism 7641 + and grace. We thank manuscript editor Lisa Marietta for 7642 + her indefatigable attention to detail, Molly McGeehan for 7643 + her important role in the project’s production, and digital 7644 + assistants Jenny Park and Alex Hallenbeck for their 7645 + decisive contributions. The project was supported by 7646 + additional research assistance from Kathryn Huether, Zach 7647 + Rottman, and Anna Smith, along with expert guidance 7648 + and aid from Sarah Cooper, Megan Metcalf, Marcia Reed, 7649 + Nancy Perloff, Emily Ruth Capper, Tashi Wada, Judith 7650 + Rodenbeck, and Peggy Phelan. Following Eric Gardner’s 7651 + early prototyping and design work, which helped set us 7652 + on the right path, project designers Andrew LeClair and 7653 + 7654 + 247 7655 + E Roon Kang of 908A crafted a smart and rigorous design 7656 + that packages these complex intermedial texts and 7657 + objects in a remarkably elegant way, for which we are 7658 + grateful. 7659 + We are appreciative of additional funding provided 7660 + by the National Endowment for the Humanities–Mellon 7661 + Fellowship in Digital Publication, the National Endowment 7662 + for the Humanities Summer Stipend, the McKnight 7663 + Foundation, the College of Liberal Arts at the University 7664 + of Minnesota, and the Kathrine G. McGovern College of 7665 + the Arts and Division of Research at the University of 7666 + Houston. 7667 + Two team members in particular deserve extended 7668 + praise. We are deeply thankful for the efforts of project 7669 + editor Adriana Romero, whose keen eye on the project in 7670 + its final stages have enabled the content to shine. Our 7671 + appreciation and admiration for digital publications 7672 + manager Greg Albers, who has guided and championed 7673 + this project from beginning to end, is beyond measure. 7674 + Greg brought an extraordinary combination of vision, 7675 + optimism, good nature, savvy, intelligence, and 7676 + pragmatism to this project, which established the 7677 + foundation on which all other collaborations became 7678 + possible. Lastly, we express our profound gratitude to the 7679 + artists and contributors for generously sharing their 7680 + archives and expertise, and for the patience and faith that 7681 + they and our families invested in this project over its 7682 + extended development. 7683 + 7684 + 7685 + 7686 + 7687 + 248 Acknowledgments 7688 +
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system/public/papers.aesthetic.computer/platter.html
··· 276 276 <h1>Research Platter</h1> 277 277 <div class="subtitle">Full knowledge base for Aesthetic Computer papers and research.</div> 278 278 <div class="stats"> 279 - <span>359</span> pieces · <span>76</span> lib modules · <span>94</span> functions · <span>159</span> plans · <span>100</span> reports · <span>8</span> studies · <span>30+</span> readings · <span>26</span> papers 279 + <span>362</span> pieces · <span>76</span> lib modules · <span>95</span> functions · <span>162</span> plans · <span>108</span> reports · <span>8</span> studies · <span>30+</span> readings · <span>27</span> papers 280 280 </div> 281 281 </div> 282 282 ··· 293 293 <div class="section-header" data-color="pink" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 294 294 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 295 295 <h2>Papers</h2> 296 - <span class="count">26 publications</span> 296 + <span class="count">27 publications</span> 297 297 </div> 298 298 <div class="section-items"> 299 299 <a class="item" href="/aesthetic-computer-26-arxiv.pdf">Aesthetic Computer '26 — A Mobile-First Runtime for Creative Computing (arXiv, 5pp)</a> ··· 460 460 <div class="section-header collapsed" data-color="gold" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 461 461 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 462 462 <h2>Pieces</h2> 463 - <span class="count">341 .mjs + 18 .lisp</span> 463 + <span class="count">344 .mjs + 18 .lisp</span> 464 464 </div> 465 465 <div class="section-items hidden"> 466 466 <div class="item-group"> ··· 508 508 <span class="item"><span class="file">+ 13 more</span> addition, subtraction, tests, timing, profiles...</span> 509 509 </div> 510 510 <div class="item-group"> 511 - <div class="item-group-label">Full listing: 341 .mjs + 18 .lisp pieces</div> 511 + <div class="item-group-label">Full listing: 344 .mjs + 18 .lisp pieces</div> 512 512 <a class="item" href="https://github.com/whistlegraph/aesthetic-computer/tree/main/system/public/aesthetic.computer/disks">Browse all pieces on GitHub</a> 513 513 </div> 514 514 </div> ··· 519 519 <div class="section-header collapsed" data-color="green" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 520 520 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 521 521 <h2>Servers & Services</h2> 522 - <span class="count">94 functions · 5 services · 7 session modules</span> 522 + <span class="count">95 functions · 5 services · 8 session modules</span> 523 523 </div> 524 524 <div class="section-items hidden"> 525 525 <div class="item-group"> 526 - <div class="item-group-label">Netlify Functions (94 serverless endpoints)</div> 526 + <div class="item-group-label">Netlify Functions (95 serverless endpoints)</div> 527 527 <a class="item" href="https://github.com/whistlegraph/aesthetic-computer/tree/main/system/netlify/functions"><span class="file">system/netlify/functions/</span> Auth, content, keeps, chat, billing, telemetry, KidLisp storage</a> 528 528 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/api/api-docs"><span class="file">api/api-docs</span> LLM-friendly API documentation (live)</a> 529 529 </div> ··· 588 588 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/assets/papers/readings/text/Ingold-2009-Textility-of-making.txt">Tim Ingold — "The Textility of Making" (2009) <span class="file">txt</span></a> 589 589 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/assets/papers/readings/text/lines-a-brief-history.txt">Tim Ingold — <em>Lines: A Brief History</em> (2007) <span class="file">txt</span></a> 590 590 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/assets/papers/readings/text/Marking_Scoring_Storing_and_Speculating.txt">David Joselit — "Marking, Scoring, Storing, and Speculating" (2016) <span class="file">txt</span></a> 591 + <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/assets/papers/readings/text/Gallope-Harren-Hicks-The-Scores-Project-2025.txt">Michael Gallope, Natilee Harren, John Hicks (eds.) — <em>The Scores Project</em> (Getty Research Institute, 2025, text CC BY-NC 4.0; images excluded) <span class="file">txt &middot; 7687 lines</span></a> 591 592 </div> 592 593 <div class="item-group"> 593 594 <div class="item-group-label">Computing & Language</div> ··· 696 697 <div class="section-header collapsed" data-color="cyan" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 697 698 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 698 699 <h2>Reports</h2> 699 - <span class="count">100 documents</span> 700 + <span class="count">108 documents</span> 700 701 </div> 701 702 <div class="section-items hidden" id="reports-list"></div> 702 703 </div> ··· 706 707 <div class="section-header collapsed" data-color="gold" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 707 708 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 708 709 <h2>Plans</h2> 709 - <span class="count">159 documents</span> 710 + <span class="count">162 documents</span> 710 711 </div> 711 712 <div class="section-items hidden" id="plans-list"></div> 712 713 </div> ··· 734 735 <a class="item" href="https://github.com/whistlegraph/aesthetic-computer/tree/main/reference/strudel">reference/strudel/ — full Strudel source + ICLC paper</a> 735 736 </div> 736 737 <div class="item-group"> 738 + <div class="item-group-label">Experimental Scores / Notation</div> 739 + <a class="item" href="https://github.com/thegetty/scores">thegetty/scores — Quire source for <em>The Scores Project</em>; `main` is published edition, `revisions` tracks proposed corrections</a> 740 + <a class="item" href="https://www.getty.edu/publications/scores/">Getty digital edition — object pages, commentaries, and 2,000+ archival media items</a> 741 + </div> 742 + <div class="item-group"> 737 743 <div class="item-group-label">API & Language Reference</div> 738 744 <a class="item" href="https://github.com/whistlegraph/aesthetic-computer/blob/main/reference/api/javascript-api.md">reference/api/javascript-api.md — AC JavaScript API reference</a> 739 745 <a class="item" href="https://github.com/whistlegraph/aesthetic-computer/blob/main/reference/kidlisp/language-reference.md">reference/kidlisp/language-reference.md — KidLisp language reference</a> ··· 758 764 <div class="section-header collapsed" data-color="cyan" onclick="toggleSection(this)"> 759 765 <span class="toggle">&#9660;</span> 760 766 <h2>APIs & Data Sources</h2> 761 - <span class="count">94 endpoints · 32+ collections</span> 767 + <span class="count">95 endpoints · 32+ collections</span> 762 768 </div> 763 769 <div class="section-items hidden"> 764 770 <div class="item-group"> ··· 766 772 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/api/api-docs">api/api-docs — LLM-friendly API documentation</a> 767 773 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/api/version">api/version — platform version</a> 768 774 <a class="item" href="https://aesthetic.computer/api/metrics">api/metrics — platform metrics</a> 769 - <span class="item"><span class="file">94 total</span> Netlify serverless functions (auth, content, keeps, chat, billing, telemetry)</span> 775 + <span class="item"><span class="file">95 total</span> Netlify serverless functions (auth, content, keeps, chat, billing, telemetry)</span> 770 776 </div> 771 777 <div class="item-group"> 772 778 <div class="item-group-label">MongoDB Collections (key)</div> ··· 793 799 </div> 794 800 <div class="item-group"> 795 801 <div class="item-group-label">Platform Stats (SCORE.md)</div> 796 - <span class="item">359 built-in pieces · 2,810 handles · 265 user pieces</span> 802 + <span class="item">362 built-in pieces · 2,810 handles · 265 user pieces</span> 797 803 <span class="item">4,425 paintings · 16,523 KidLisp programs · 18,048 chat messages</span> 798 804 </div> 799 805 </div> ··· 1031 1037 ["ac-native-boot-speed-optimization.md","Ac Native Boot Speed Optimization"], 1032 1038 ["2026-03-23-at-protocol-audit.md","At Protocol Audit"], 1033 1039 ["2026-03-20-hda-capture-eio-investigation.md","Hda Capture Eio Investigation"], 1040 + ["instagram-api-migration-2026-03-29.md","Instagram Api Migration 2026 03 29"], 1041 + ["2026-04-02-getty-scores-project.md","Getty Scores Project"], 1042 + ["2026-03-30-scream-tts-exploration.md","Scream Tts Exploration"], 1043 + ["2026-03-30-crypto-portfolio-market-report.md","Crypto Portfolio Market Report"], 1044 + ["2026-03-29-intel-mac-usb-boot-debug.md","Intel Mac Usb Boot Debug"], 1045 + ["2026-03-28-panasonic-hc-x2000-firmware-update-checklist.md","Panasonic Hc X2000 Firmware Update Checklist"], 1046 + ["2026-03-28-panasonic-hc-x2000-ac-integration.md","Panasonic Hc X2000 Ac Integration"], 1047 + ["2026-03-28-ac-logo-history.md","Ac Logo History"], 1034 1048 ]; 1035 1049 1036 1050 const plans = [ ··· 1193 1207 ["rename-keeps-to-keep.md","Rename Keeps To Keep"], 1194 1208 ["docker-ota-build-pipeline.md","Docker Ota Build Pipeline"], 1195 1209 ["blank-checkout.md","Blank Checkout"], 1210 + ["paper-sampling-in-ac.md","Paper Sampling In Ac"], 1211 + ["notepat-udp-midi-relay.md","Notepat Udp Midi Relay"], 1212 + ["cross-platform-samples.md","Cross Platform Samples"], 1196 1213 ]; 1197 1214 1198 1215 const studies = [